View By Date

Tags

Statistics

  • 11
    Blogs
  • 1
    Active Blogger
11 blogs
  • 21 Feb 2017
    انظر لتلك الشجرة ............ ذات الغصون النضرة     كيف نمت من حبة  ............ وكيف صارت شجرة       فانظر وقل من ذا الذي ............ يخرج منها الثمرة     ذاك هو الله الذي أنعمه منهمرة     ذو حكمة بالغة ............ وقدرة مقتدرة   انظر إلى الشمس التي ............ جذوتها مستعرة     فيها ضياء وبها ............ حرارة منتشرة   من ذا الذي أوجدها ............ في الجو مثل الشررة   ذاك هو الله الذي أنعمه منهمرة   ذو حكمة بالغة وقدرة مقتدرة   انظر إلى الليل فمن أوجد فيه قمره     وزانه بأنجم كالدر المنتثرة     ذاك هو الله الذي أنعمه منهمرة     ذو حكمة بالغة وقدرة مقتدرة   انظر إلى المرء وقل من شق فيه بصره   من ذا الذي جهزه بقدرة مبتكرة   ذاك هو الله الذي أنعمه منهمرة     ذو حكمة بالغة وقدرة مقتدرة  
    67 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • انظر لتلك الشجرة ............ ذات الغصون النضرة     كيف نمت من حبة  ............ وكيف صارت شجرة       فانظر وقل من ذا الذي ............ يخرج منها الثمرة     ذاك هو الله الذي أنعمه منهمرة     ذو حكمة بالغة ............ وقدرة مقتدرة   انظر إلى الشمس التي ............ جذوتها مستعرة     فيها ضياء وبها ............ حرارة منتشرة   من ذا الذي أوجدها ............ في الجو مثل الشررة   ذاك هو الله الذي أنعمه منهمرة   ذو حكمة بالغة وقدرة مقتدرة   انظر إلى الليل فمن أوجد فيه قمره     وزانه بأنجم كالدر المنتثرة     ذاك هو الله الذي أنعمه منهمرة     ذو حكمة بالغة وقدرة مقتدرة   انظر إلى المرء وقل من شق فيه بصره   من ذا الذي جهزه بقدرة مبتكرة   ذاك هو الله الذي أنعمه منهمرة     ذو حكمة بالغة وقدرة مقتدرة  
    Feb 21, 2017 67
  • 25 Oct 2016
    This a book I found online an account of the fulani and fulfulde as far back as 1945 a good read for those interested it also contains language and grammar pointers for those who want to learn. The Fulaniof Northern NigeriaSome General Notes by F. W. de St CroixDIP. AGRIC.Inspector of LivestockVeterinary Dept., Nigeria PRINTED BYTHE GOVERNMENT PRINTER, LAGOS1945 — (1437/45/550).   FulaniTheof Northern NigeriaSome General NotesF. W. de St CroixDIP. AGRIC.Inspector of LivestockVeterinary Dept., Nigeria%P ageH istory ............................................................................................................ 5L egendary Or i g i n .............................................................................................. 8Ch a r a c t e r ............................................................................................................ 9M ode of L iving : M i g r a t i o n ................................................................ 10D ecimation of H erds by D isease .................................................. 12Comparison between N omadic and S ettled F ulani .. 14Culture .. - ............................................................................................ 15D iscipline and L eadership ................................................................ 17Control of H e r d s............................................................................................19M ovement of Cattle ..............................................................................20C attle H u sba n d r y........................................................................................... 22Economic Products — D airying . . .. .. .. 27S easonal G razing .. . . .. .. .. .. .. 30Cattle-t a x ..........................................................................................................34Cattle M arkings and En u m e r a t i o n ..................................................36M arriage Customs and In h e r i t a n c e ..................................................37G ame of “ Soro ” ............................................................................................44G ames and F estivals ..............................................................................46D i e t ....................................................................................................................... 47S uperstitious Beliefs, Rites and P ractices .. . . 54Vocabulary .. . . . . . . .. . . .. . . 68\PRINTED BYTHE GOVERNMENT PRINTER, LAGOS1945 — (1437/45/550) Some General Notes on the Fulani ofNorthern NigeriaHISTORYTHO anyone who has cared to follow up what little is known ofthe history of Fulani from early times, it appears evident that therewere wide differences in status in their civilisation.Tradition is strong that Fulani originated somewhere “ to the East ” ;but historically it appears that early during the thirteenth centuryFulani immigrated to the Hausa states and Bornu from the West —probably owing to some threat to their independence, demands fortribute, or the like.We are told of Fulani preachers of the doctrines of Islam in Bornuand in the Hausa states. Also of a nomadic class caring only for itsherds and flocks ; holding itself strictly aloof from other races ; retainingto the full its racial characteristics and customs : herdsmen who caredlittle for religion and nothing for power ; but wholly for their livestock :they apparently paid some small tribute to the reigning chiefs.From the fifteenth century onwards members of the learned or‘ aristocratic ’ class held high positions of office or rank as advisers,imams, judges, commanders of armies, and the like, in the states of theperiod, on account of their intellect. Besides this they formed statesof their own. They became a ruling class : their independence ofcharacter appears at all times to have been acknowledged.At this period the nomadic tribes, in their mode of living, showed alike independent spirit; paying tribute or a grazing tax to those chiefs inwhose lands they grazed their cattle ; but owing allegiance to none, andmoving from territory to territory, at will, throughout the WesternSudan, from the upper reaches of the Senegal River to Lake Chad.In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there were great numbersof Fulani in the Hausa states and western Bornu : each chief town had aFulani quarter, the ruling class of Fulani having risen in position farabove the herders of cattle and sheep ; intermarried with the families ofthe ruling negroid chiefs and, while retaining those Fulani characteristicsof intellect and a capacity for administration, had lost, or were losing,their distinctive physical features and, in adopting many of the customsof the peoples with whom they merged themselves, were losing theirown customs; the language of the country in most places replaced theirown. This became more pronounced with the religious revival whichcommenced about 1804 when, in the Hausa states, the Fulani language(Fulfulde) of the ruling class was gradually replaced by Hausa, and asocial amalgamation took place ; while, in Adamawa, intermarriage andconcubinage ‘ corrupted ’ the Fulani blood, though there was no suchmerger as in the Hausa states, and the Fulani rulers did not abandonFulfulde.1 his religious revival followed upon the Fulani victory in what was,originally, a local fight for survival for all classes of the race against theGobirawa ; following which the Fulani leaders — men of the ‘ aristocratic ’ class — went on to exploit their success, with those people ofother races who would ally themselves to them and under theirleadership ; and developed the religious revival into a conquest of the‘ habe ’ rulers in order to obtain power over a great area. Apart fromgiving local, but yeoman, help in the initial fight for Fulani survivalagainst the Gobirawa, it would appear that, in the subsequent movementto assume power and oust native rulers, the Nomadic Fulani took nofurther part.As will appear later, this mixing of the blood of the ruling classesmade even greater the gulf between them and the nomadic classes.With both, independence and innate pride of race was, and still is,a chief characteristic. They consider all the negroid and negro races asinferior, ranking themselves as a red— or, as we should term it, white —race ; negroids and negroes as black. In this connection I would notethat Europeans are referred to as ‘ wodebe ’ (singular, bodejo), the red(brown) men. But the nomadic classes had in those days - and stillhave — maintained their age-old exclusiveness, their customs andcharacteristics ; remain aloof, speaking their own language, uneducated,and retaining to a great extent the superstitious beliefs and fears whichtheir forefathers held before the general spread of Islam. Theydescribe themselves as being like birds— if one is touched, all the othersfly away — an apt comparison. Their confidence's not easily gained ;but may be easily lost.During the unsettled times before the coming of the British, theNomadic Fulani lived far from the towns in bush, usually in such largeencampments that it would need a considerable force to make asuccessful raid on them : as skilled bowmen they were well able and, ofcourse keen, to protect their cattle.Of the Settled Fulani, possessors in many cases of large numbers ofcattle, the owners lived within the towns. The herd was penned nearthe town under the charge of a trusted slave, who had slave herdsmento assist him if cattle were numerous. There also the owner would sendhis sons, in turn, to take part in the work until, after they had married,some would decide to dwell in the town, others to remain on thefarmland and with' the flocks and herds. When the father died, theeldest son would take his place in the town, as head of the family.In the event of a cattle raid, one or more of the party were able toescape and run to the owner with the news, whereupon he would collecta body of men to overtake the raiding party and, where possible,recapture the cattle. By living in the town there was the addedadvantage that, although part of the family was surprised, there wasalways a stronger part left to retaliate.Then, as now, they farmed extensively, and practically all of themkept, as they still do, a number of sheep, goats and fowls. (It may benoted that Nomadic Fulani travel with their fowls and chickens.)6At the present time many towns have a Fulani village adjacent tothem, or Fulani camps are found grouped about at some little distance,in their own farmlands.As regards the relationship of the Nomadic Fulani with the rulers,it would appear that the majority of, if not all, such tribes had, from longago, representatives of their own in the towns of the ruling chiefs.It is reasonable to agree with the Fulani assumption that this representation came about in such manner as that, as a young man, a member of afamily of standing, perhaps the son of an ‘ ardo ’ (Fulani chief orleader), would decide to give up the nomadic life for that of scholarshipand, having been given a wife, retire with her to a town. From timeto time relatives would visit and stay with him, and exchange news :when a man of learning was required he would be called in by them.He would be given a voluntary ‘ fee ’ for his assistance, and presentswould be given to him on various occasions. These dealingswould not go on without the knowledge of the local ruler, who wouldreceive his due portion from this man : moreover he would realise thevalue to him of one who knew of the movements of these NomadicFulani. On the other hand, it was safer for the Nomadic Fulani tohave some connection with the rulers : for one thing, it would be knownwhere there was any large body of cattle, and, without some suchconnection, the owners would be liable to attack from any quarter, sothat, staunch fighters as they were, it would be advisable to be free at leastfrom the cattle-raiding parties of the ruler in whose country they grazedtheir cattle, and an intermediary with the ear of the ruler would be anasset.Thus the scholar would in many cases become the go-between in theruler’s dealings with his nomadic relatives; and, in course of time, anintermediary between the ruler and the Nomadic Fulani frequenting theprovince. On entering the province for grazing, the leader of a tribe,or section of a tribe, would inform the ruler, through the intermediary,of his arrival and whereabouts. The nomads would escape the tax onindustries and on farms, levied on the Settled Fulani; but seasonalpresents of cattle would be made to the ruler, and his goodwill retained.It may be noted that, even now, the truth of an important residentFulani chief’s estimate of the number of his own and his followers’cattle is accepted for tax purposes.Again, though chiefship among the Fulani is hereditary, it is liable tothe choice of the members of the clan present, in that they may rejectthe eldest son of a deceased chief on account of his character, and elect ayounger brother. On account of disputes, and lest trouble should ariselater, the election of a chief might be done before the ruler, as witness,and as supporter of the chosen man should disagreement occursubsequently. (Election is confirmed by elder Fulani chiefs, whothen give the new chief a few words of advice on leadership.)It became customary for the town-dwelling intermediary to follow thenomads, who had a connection with the ruler of a certain province in themanner described, into any other province to which they might havemigrated, in order to collect from them the tribute ‘ chofal ’, paid in7cattle. Such was the custom at the time of the British occupation,and it was continued for the next few years in the altered form ofcattle-tax.Cattle were given as ‘ zakat ’ (locally zakka) and, even now, someannually take out ‘ zakat ’ as a voluntary gift to the local Imam and tothe ‘ modibbo ’ teacher of young disciples.The relationship between the chiefs of the nomads in bush and theimportant sedentary chiefs at the present day is remarked on later.LEGENDARY ORIGINFulani legends regarding their origin, and the origin of their languageand their cattle, vary considerably. As regards their origin, theyalways speak of it as having been from the E ast: an Arab connection isspoken of in these legends. As to the origin of their cattle, invariablyin my experience, these originated “ from a river some speak of theBarebari — Kanuri — first having cattle, and of the Fulani acquiringcattle from them. The various legends are well known and some ofthem are in writing.One legend of the origin of the language is that a child was born whowas not known to be a ‘ Fulani ’, since in those days there was no suchlanguage : later another child was born to the same mother. One day,not long after the younger child had been born, the mother went out towash herself. The younger child started to cry during her absence,and while the mother was approaching the home on her return, sheheard the elder child comforting the younger in words that she did notunderstand ; but which were understood by the younger child ; “ Jeda,inna ma wartai ” (“ Be quiet, your mother will come back ”). Shecalled another, who also could make nothing of these words. Bothchildren grew up speaking this — Fulani language; but they alsounderstood the language of their mother. And this is the originof the Fulani.As to the Fulani acquisition of cattle from the Barebari, the samenarrator says that it was foretold that certa:'n riches would appear fromout of the water : these riches were cattie : the S rati’en (Barebari) firstobtained them : later two Fulani entered among them. These twowithdrew to a place some distance away and lighted a fire and (the)cattle rose and went to where the fire was : this is how Fulani obtainedcattle.A legend as to the origin of the Nomadic Fulani is that a woman ofthe Settled Fulani gave birth to a son. One day she quarrelled withher husband and left him in a temper, taking the child into bush.She put the child down, and after a while returned home, forgetting him.Later on he was missed and, though they went into bush and sought forhim, he could not be found. The child grew up in the bush, and hadbecome a youth, when one day a spirit appeared to him and informedhim that, as he had lived all his life in the bush, so would he continueto live ; but that he would have riches : the spirit instructed him to goto the river and, when he saw a white cow come out of the water, he was8to turn round and walk away from the river, and the cow would follow.The youth did as he was told : he saw the white cow come out of thewater, turned round and walked away : he walked away for a long time,but at ast turned round to ook, unaware that, all this time, white cattlehad been coming out of the river and following him, and that there wasnow a great number of them. Immediately he turned round theyceased to come out of the water. The last four were red cattle, and thisexp ains why white cattle are far greater in numbers than red cattle.The youth continued to live in bush. He married an Arab g irl:they gave birth, and their sons and daughters, who were very lightskinned, married each other. Their cattle increased and increased innumbers. The descendants continued to marry between themselves :they have kept to the bush and do not go to the towns and marry.This version, given by a man of Jafun descent, appears to beappropriate to the Jafun tribes, which are divided, some being nomadicand others semi-nomadic, but of common origin.CHARACTERAs to character, a Fulani or ‘Pullo* (pi. Fulbe) has an innate senseof what is decorous and proper ; is pohte and respectful in manner to hisseniors : capable of great fortitude ; of bearing great pain or afflictionwithout showing his feelings : reticent regarding his affairs and, as a rule,his wrongs, real or fancied. He has a deep sense of shame. Unjustlyhumiliated, he will never forget the wrong done to him — it is said thatelders, in some such instances, pine away and literally die of shame.Justly punished for an offence he was wilfully committed, he is usuallyquick to “ forgive and forget ”. He is of a generally cheerful disposition.On the other hand, bad blood is engendered in “ affairs of the heart”,which may lead to woundings ; while there are some who will stoop tothe meanest tricks in order to revenge themselves on another. Intrigueand jealousy occurs between office-seekers.As prevaricators and artists in subterfuge, Fulani (Fulbe) would Ithink, hold their own in any company. As a whole, Fulani are veryquick tempered ; very sensitive ; easily take offence ; strongly resent aninsult, which they do not take “ lying down after high words, however,the matter is usually considered over, especially where others interveneas pacifiers.In affrays in which staves, knives, swords, or other weapons are used,a Fulani will usually give a good account of himself: he is not liable torun away.Of the superior intelligence of the average Fulani there can be nodoubt; but their character in general would appear to retard theiradvancement. Their suspicion of strangers, with attendant reticenceand evasiveness making even friendly advances difficult; and theirinherited feeling of superiority to those peoples among which theydwell; has maintained a barrier between themselves and all buta few outside their race.9MODE OF LIVING : MIGRATIONWhile the customs and characteristics of the various tribes of Nomadichulani (or ‘Cow Fulani *, ‘Bush Fulani’, as they are often called) arevaried to a considerable degree, one can generalise to some extent.Some customs are common also to the ‘Settled Fulani’, and certainremarks must apply to a greater or less extent to these.In considering Nomadic Fulani as a whole, the type ranges from thosewho never spend more than a few days in one place ; through those whohave no centre to which they return for a season, but continue to wanderwith their whole family, making more or less prolonged seasonal campsin any locality which suits them ; to those who have a centre where theaged and some of the other members of the family remain, and which isvisited from time to time by those members who graze the herds — suchas some of the Kano country tribes which spend the rainy season aboutBornu, Hadeiia and Katagum ; bring their cattle down to the proximityof their ‘ home town ’ ; leave some milking cattle and pick up drycows and other stock, and proceed to the Nassarawa area of BenueProvince for the dry season, returning North again with the advent ofthe rains.It will be found that the majority of these nomads have a more or lesscircumscribed circuit of seasonal grazing, unless and until somethingoccurs to cause them to make up their minds to vary it and try theirchances elsewhere.Many remain for several seasons about one area and then forsake it foranother at greater or less distance ; possibly returning a few years laterif they find the new area less suitable to their stock, or in their estimationin some other way unsuitable : such as some of the members of clans ofKatsina — Kano origin, for many years moving about in the Southernareas of Sokoto Province, who went as far as the Bayaro area of Dahomeyin the last four years, which excursion had not, I understand, beenundertaken before ; but who are now returning.Major migrations take place over a series of years, a few members —the scouts — leading the way and sending back reports as to conditions,when, if favourable, others follow ; so that, gradually, some thousandsof cattle belonging to many families are moved to a distance, the timeelapsing before the movement is completed being numbered in years.Of this type is the movement off the Jos-Pankshin Plateau, commencingin 1932, and reaching the Chamba area of Southern Adamawa and Muriin 1933-35, whence many Fulani passed East to the Cameroon Highlands.This gradual movement — they may spend some seasons^ route— wasstill in progress when I visited Southern Adamawa in 1937 and metFulani whom I had known about Pankshin in 1930.I am told, however, that the movement onward into French Territoryto the East received a check when the authorities there prevented someof the Fulani, who wished to return, from bringing their cattle withthem, so that those following did not go forward as they had intended. 10 Mention of the Kano-Katsina Fulani above, as being in the Southernpart of Sokoto Province, recalls to mind another big migration, ofFulani from Daura, the elders of which say came about on accountof a desire for new grazing grounds. This movement was gradual,via Zungeru area, thence to Kontagora area, whence some pushed onto Yauri Emirate and the Southern part of Gwandu Emirate, and moreto the hill areas of Rijau and Zuru, which they reached about 1907-1908.They are present in these areas in large numbers, with big herds ofcattle, which they say have increased considerably in numbers duringthis period. Their important chiefs came with them and remainedin central positions : their descendants now retain these chiefships.As in past times, the movements appear to be due to two mainreasons : a search for new pastures and an unexpressed, but neverthelesskeen, desire for independence and freedom from what they considerunwelcome interference and supervision by authority.Following the British occupation of Kano and Sokoto in 1901, therewere considerable migrations of Nomadic Fulani, and many have neverreturned : these migrations appear to have included many Wodabe.The first great reason for these movements, the never-ending searchfor new pastures, includes a strong desire to keep their cattle awayfrom those of the Settled Fulani, which they accuse of bringing andspreading cattle diseases wherever they go, and which, in these days,are for ever invading areas hitherto almost the preserve of the Nomadictribes.Regardingthis distrust of the cattle of the Settled Fulani, the Nomadictribes, wherever that may be, keep their cattle well apart from those oflocal Fulani. On each occasion on which I have visited the Chambaarea of Southern Adamawa, I have been urgently requested by thenomads to supply a separate inoculation ground for them : they kepttheir cattle separate from those of the settled Adamawa Fulani, whichwere “ full of diseases” , and did not wish to mix with them at aninoculation camp. At our camp in Yauri Division of Sokoto theyalways have the greatest suspicion of the non-nomadic herds whichcome in, keeping their cattle well apart from those of the Settled Fulani,and virtually reserving one end of the inoculation ground. In bothcases they keep the cattle apart during the period of quarantine and onthe day of release. I was told recently that a considerable numberof Siwalbe who had for some years been in Nassarawa area of BenueProvince, to which they came from Kano and Bornu, had returnedwhence they came owing to the increasing prevalence of Settled Fulanicattle.Sections of various tribes or clans may be found over an area ofthousands of square miles, in many instances sections being so farseparated that they have no knowledge of each other, though theyacknowledge being of the same tribe. In an area favoured by NomadicFulani it is usual to find families of a number of clans (of, for example,Kano Province origin) often lightly interconnected by tie of locality ;such families, or parties of families, keeping their camp, or camps,separate from those of the other clans, though freely mingling socially. 1 1 It is interesting to find, on making enquiry, that so many ascribetheir origin to so few small places, notably the large numbers whoclaim origin from places in Katsina and Kano Provinces, for example,Bebeji; Shanono (which the majority of Siwalbe speak of as theirplace of origin); and the numbers of Jafun origin.In many cases the connections refer to the comparatively distantpast, neither the informant nor his father having even visited the placeof origin. It would appear that they often have reference to that timewhen some early ancestor, perhaps the clan founder — since genealogiesare not traced as far back as the clan founder or common ancestor —found a favourable spot about which he grazed his cattle for someperiod. As the family group (or patrilinear clan) increased and thenumber of cattle multiplied, the group or clan would split up. Then,as now, the cattle would be divided, and the younger members seekmore extensive pasture grounds, thus easing the local pastures andensuring that they did not become cattle-fouled, and at the same timeminimizing the risks of an outbreak of disease.While the elders might remain as a family centre to which theyounger members returned at intervals, gradually the group wouldsplit up as those who married, and were given or inherited cattle,became independent and in their turn had offspring. Then, as now,members would from time to time visit their relatives until the deathof those nearer related to them, or distance and, in the old days, thedangers of travel, severed the link and created a separate entity.Nevertheless, there is constant intercourse over vast distances;visitors are constantly coming and going, or emissaries being sent fromplace to place ; while those on a journey avidly exchange news andgossip with acquaintances they meet. The speed with which theseFulani transmit news is proverbial. The whereabouts of any head ofa family of Nomadic Fulani, within an area considerably greater than,for instance, Sokoto Province, is usually ascertainable without havingto ask more than one or two members of the Nomadic clans.In the period of misrule by the Fulani overlords during the latterpart of the nineteenth century, Nomadic Fulani did not escape cattleraiding parties sent out by rulers into adjacent countries against whichthey were warring ; but they were less easy to discover than the SettledFulani, and in many cases the wildness of their cattle militated againstthe success of the raiders in getting them all home.At the coming of the British it was found that there was a ‘ tax ’on nomadic cattle, apparently little more than a grazing fee or tribute,or as much as could be obtained in cattle from the owners, since nogeneral rate was imposed and, doubtless, then as now, owners hadlittle to learn in ways of evading payment.DECIMATION OF HEADS BY DISEASEOf profound influence on the history of the cattle-owning Fulaniare great losses of cattle through disease, chief of which has beenRinderpest. In the years 1887-1891 a great outbreak of Rinderpestdecimated the herds of cattle-owners. Starting apparently about12Darfur, the disease reached what is now the French Colonie du Tchadin 1886, spreading straight from East to West. In the greater part ofpresent-day Nigeria the disease wiped out the great majority of cattle.This outbreak was commonly known in Hausa as ‘ Sannu ’, from theHausa greeting used as an expression of sympathy. The older mentell one terrible stories of those days. Attempts were made, by some,to fly from the disease and preserve their cattle. Fulani, having lostall — or nearly all — their cattle, became demented: many are said tohave done away with themselves. Some roamed the bush callingimaginary cattle: assaults on persons for imagined provocation orsuspected derisive remarks as to loss of cattle were common. Whenthe outbreak had spent itself and passed on, Fulani of the eastern areasof what is now Nigeria renewed their cattle from parts of Adamawathat had escaped, while those to the West obtained the almosthumpless ‘ Keteji ’ type kept by the Borgu Fulani from timeimmemorial, hardly cattle of the bush and hills of Borgu, Kaiama andNikki, which had apparently escaped the ravages of Rinderpest toa considerable extent. So great was the demand for cattle that, locally,it was common in many places to offer large prices for the unborn calf.In 1913-1914 was a further widespread outbreak causing tremendouslosses, following a great drought and famine over a large area : this wasknown by some as ‘ Gamagari ’ (Hausa), from its being general overa wide area.Again, in 1919-1920, another widespread outbreak devastatedFulani herds ; “ So that even hyaena did not eat the bodies of the deadcattle.” It was known by some as ‘Docchal’, because of thefew cattle it spared in a herd ; 4 docchal5 being Fulani for a remainderor remnant.The disease, of course, took its toll in the years between these greatoutbreaks, and continued to do so, to greater or less extent, until theintroduction of preventive inoculation by the Veterinary Department,which quickly became popular, and within a few years this scourgeof the Fulani was under control. The losses in cattle must have beenenormous : even now many Fulani say that they have by no means thenumber of cattle which they used to possess before the latter outbreaks.While some were fortunate and able to keep going the strain of cattlethey had inherited, many were reduced to such nonderscript herds asthey could build up in the course of time, so long as they consistedof cattle of some so rt; perhaps establishing a type later, as the herdgrew. A common explanation for possessing cattle of a type differingfrom those traditionally possessed by the tribe (for example, a Bodado,whom one would expect to have red cattle, possessing those of ‘ WhiteKano ’ type) is a laconic ; “ Soinde na’i ” — “ Lack of cattle.” Followingrepeated outbreaks, many of the Settled Fulani have never replacedtheir lost herds.Of the Nomadic Fulani, it may be said that cattle are his life ; theyare “ in the blood ” : he has no other trade, and he may have no otherpossession — some do not even keep sheep as a side-line. Withoutcattle he is lost. Should he be deprived of all his cattle through disease13or other misfortune, his one idea is to re-establish a herd. It is acharacteristic that in many instances, if they have escaped his misfortune,his relatives and friends will help him with gifts of cattle. Otherwisehe must make shift for himself. He will tend a herd for another, wholacks a son or other suitable herdsman, for his keep and for a gratuityof a heifer, preferably, or a young bull, at the end of the season.He will undertake a spell of labour, more frequently cultivatinga farm for a season or two, moving to a village for the purpose : anyshift which will mean cattle of his own eventually, and future independence. It is not uncommon to hear of a man restarting a herd literally“ ab ovo ” — purchasing a hen, setting the eggs, setting the eggs of theprogeny ; selling some of the fowls and buying a goat or goats and,eventually, from their increase, being able to purchase a heifer. It iswell known that a Fulani will practise great self-denial when thenecessity arises.COMPARISON BETWEEN NOMADIC AND SETTLED FULANISome of the differences between Nomadic and Settled Fulani,as seen at the present day, are significant of the gulf that lies between.them in social outlook.The Settled Fulani scorn the Nomadic types for their laxity in theirreligious outlook, and undoubtedly adhere far more strictly to thetenets of Islam : whereas they keep their wives in seclusion — themodified purdah of the common people of these areas — the Nomadictribes have no purdah. The Settled Fulani has his marriage legalisedaccording to Muhammadan law. The nomads have a procedure whichentirely dispenses with any legal form, and there is a system of informaldivorce and remarriage with no period of ‘ iddat ’ before a woman maybe remarried. (Frequently a married woman will meet by arrangement another Fulani who will take her to his home and, paying thebride price, marry her without further ceremony.)The Nomadic tribes say that the Settled Fulani marry without soundorder or sense and without selection ; hold them in contempt formarrying non-Fulani, scorning them for tainting the blood.While the Settled Fulani look on the nomads as ‘ pagan ’, the nomadslook on them as ‘degenerates*.They do not seek each other in marriage or, if so, such is still unusual,exceptions being such instances as when, for example, on account ofnot begetting progeny, a nomad is advised to marry a woman of a tribeof Settled Fulani.Again, the Settled Fulani may scoff at the Nomadic for livingunder hard conditions — “ too mean to part with a beast in orderto live well ” — getting little out of life, exposed to all weathersand growing old quickly in looking after their livestock ; while theNomadic say the Settled Fulani are poverty-stricken, and accusethem of selling their stock in order to satisfy their desires, luxuriesin food, fine clothing and the like.HFulani whose main interest is in cattle-rearing often say that theirchief reason for not building themselves better houses, such as claybuilt, thatched huts, in place of rough shelters constructed of leafage,grass, cornstalks, bamboo branches, and the like, where circumstancesmay well permit of such— for instance, where they have a permanentcentre—is that this would tend to make them lazy and neglect theircattle, especially at night and early morning.The great majority of typical Nomadic Fulani do not farm except,as a rule, through poverty of cattle ; or prefer, if cash is available, tohire others to do the work. In saying; “ I have never used a hoeand, God willing, I never shall” , the speaker indicates that it wouldonly be through misfortune and loss of his cattle that the necessity tofarm would arise. Further, of course, to one not brought up to it,hoeing, never a light task, is heavy work.This would not refer to such as a number of the Jafun tribes whofarm an area, usually near a ‘ habe * (i.e. non-Fulani) village, storetheir crops at the village, and then proceed with their cattle to the dryseason grazing areas. One would more properly class these sectionsas semi-nomadic.It is common to find Nomadic Fulani living in contiguity with pagantribes : it is convenient to the Fulani to live near pagans, and, in manyareas, a pagan hamlet in cattle-grazing country will not be in existencefor two years but a Fulani makes his encampment close to it.From the pagans the Fulani family will obtain food and othercommodities at cheap rates : milk can be easily exchanged for cornet cetera, and the Fulani do not, therefore, have to sell a beast fromtime to time, as would probably be the case in ‘Hausa’ country, whereit would be necessary to have cash available to supplement that realizedby the sale of dairy produce, in order to buy foods.At harvest time is the advantage of stubble grazing on the pagans*farms. (In some cases, but relatively few, manuring is valuable to thepagans.) A more subtle reason is that often the guileless, good-naturedpagan leads himself into being made useful, even to the extent ofbringing together a band of workers to help his “ Fulani friend, whois badly off for man-power, to get some little farming done ” .They do not intermarry, neither side desiring the other in marriage.CULTURELiteracy is practically non-existent among the Nomadic Fulani :there are few educated persons able to read and write Arabic, much lessthose learned in Muhammadan doctrine, among them ; nor do they puttheir sons to the schools. In one large area popular to these Fulani —numbering hundreds — I know of none who is literate among thetribes represented locally, though there are two members of theBa’en tribe, neither of whom are in the area, who are learned scholars.The lack of learning among them is accounted for, by them, by their15being fully occupied with their cattle — as is said ; “ A man of propertyhas no time to spare.” It would be possible, having lost his cattle, orhanded them over to the care of others, for a man to dwell in a townand within a short time become a ‘ modibbo ’ (man of letters), havingno other work with which he must occupy himself, and thus applyinghimself wholeheartedly to scholarship. It is obvious and, indeed,agreed by all, that the nomads are quick learners and intelligentsubjects.The Nomadic Fulani are undoubtedly, as a whole, lax in theirattitude to religion. I have read, and heard the statement made, thatthey are pagans ; but personally I do not know of a camp in which theorthodox Muhammadan devotions are entirely disregarded, while it isusual to find that a number of persons of each camp are in possessionof a rosary.They may be, and in many cases indubitably are, very wayward,frequently breaking the laws of ‘ haram ’ (utterly forbidden). Theirmarriage customs are commented on elsewhere. Moreover theirsuperstitions, belief in omens, rites and practices proceeding fromsuperstitious belief, are often marked to a degree.Many of the younger members appear especially lax, and some of theelder never abandon their lax ways ; though others, as they advance inyears, pay more attention to religion. It is not uncommon to find, in ayounger man at least, when required to take oath upon the Koran, thatit is necessary to enquire further as to his knowledge of the set dailydevotions for, though he says he does perform them, it is often foundthat his is only a very superficial knowledge, and he is not fit to take theoath in that manner.While the strictly orthodox may contemptuously dismiss them as‘ pagans’, enquiry would reveal them to be ignorant Muhammadans ;at the lowest, nominal Muhammadans.There is a ‘ Fulani code’, ‘ Pulaku ’ (the word has other meanings),which is common to all Fulani, though variously interpreted accordingto public opinion of the various communities. Pulaku dealswith morais and manners which regulate the conduct of a Fulani in hisdealings with others of his race and people of other races ; the properbehaviour as between young people and elders ; customs and principles.While public opinion usually guides the enforcement of this moral code,hearings, decisions, and penalties for breaches, may rest in the hands ofelders.Out of respect for them, Fulani do not use the names of certainrelatives when speaking of them. Most usually such include the nameof one’s husband, the father of one’s wife or of one’s husband, and themother of one’s wife or husband, sometimes of one’s father.A person with the same name as one’s father may be addressed as ;“ My father’s namesake”, in order to avoid mentioning the name.The Nomadic Fulani appear to carry the custom further than othertypes, and may include the seniors of the community ; the friends, beingcontemporaries, of their father ; the maternal uncle.16Some do not speak the name of the local ruler (common also to theHausa), nor of their own chief or ‘ ardo \A period of some forty years of peaceful conditions, following theestablishment of British administration, has naturally had some effect onthe Nomadic Fulani, with changed conditions everywhere about them.Prior to this era, few of them spent any time in the villages — it wasnot safe for them to do so, as they might be held to ransom to be paid incattle by their relatives. Nowadays it is common to find that aconsiderable proportion of the elders, and others who do not graze thecattle, spend much of the time in nearby villages, returning to the campat evening. There is today less necessity to guard flocks and herdsclosely.There is also a tendency in some quarters to a breakdown of some ofthe old customs, such as the traditional custom of inheritance givingway to the distribution of the estate according to Muhammadan law ;marriage customs, and the like.It is regrettable to find, during this period, that at least one instanceof the lack of the stricter morals of other days has, in some families,brought retribution. Women visiting the towns to sell dairy producein past days would scorn to accept the advances of a townsman, whereasin these days some are not averse to acceding, with the result that anumber of half-Fulani progeny are born into the families : considerabletrouble is now often experienced by the older Fulani, where this hasoccurred, to get them to take an interest in the cattle : older mendeplore the fact that they cannot get youths to remain at the camp ; therecalcitrant youths behave to their elders as no true-born Fulani sonwould to his parent.In pagan areas where brewing and fermenting of alcoholic drinks isnot restricted, a deal of drinking is indulged in by a number of the men :this is true of some sections which have left the more strictly Muhammadan areas in comparatively recent times, and who used not to drink.Even so, a laxity in certain directions, and a tendency towards easierliving, does not appear to be general, and has hardly affected the customsof large numbers of them : the old customs still hold : residence in, andmigration to, the less thickly populated areas among unsophisticatedpeoples, and age-old traditions that have stood the test of time andvarying conditions, would appear to be factors in ensuring theircontinuance.DISCIPLINE AND LEADERSHIPFulani used to have their own method of dealing with criminaloffenders among themselves, such matters being in the hands of acouncil of elders called together for the purpose. Except in the case ofslaves, no imprisonment took place, since it is supposed in the case ofFulani that, if imprisoned, their fortune is dissipated for ever. NorWould the offender be driven away, such being shameful to the particularcommunity to which he belonged. The method was to take some ofhis livestock. A bull might be taken and slaughtered and the whole173community partake of the m eat: or stock sold and the proceedsdistributed among them. In the case of manslaughter, compensationfor the relatives of the dead person (diyya), also, was exacted, and todouble, or more than double, the amount of that imposed by a court.Perhaps, from a herd of 100 head of cattle, twenty or thirty head wouldbe taken, some twenty or so for the relatives, and the remainder for thecollected elders for their trouble, especially onerous in such cases, inpersuading the injured parties to forgive, and avoiding what mightwell become a 4 blood-feud \It is thought that these Fulani ‘ courts ’ persisted up to some twentyyears ago.Where a young man takes to extravagant ways, enjoying the pleasuresof the towns, fine clothes and the like, to the extent that he makesinroads in the herd, cattle being sold to raise cash, he is not infrequentlyexpelled from the home by his father or elders, or, otherwise, leaveshome after having been reprimanded, preferring to wander abroad.As to leadership, naturally the Nomadic Fulani have their ownleaders and spokesmen.Usually the more important chiefs remain about one place, generallyin the vicinity of a town, for a number of years, with only a smallfollowing of near relations, and a few cattle : they do not move aboutwith the larger numbers of cattle ; the members of the clan grazing theherds elsewhere, and not settling by their chief. If he possesses anumber of cattle, beyond those kept nearby him, he may see them atthe times at which the seasonal grazing brings them into the vicinity,or perhaps not for a few years. Frequently such a chief ownscomparatively few cattle.It is usual to find that a man who has successfully kept togethera large herd, and is considered to have good fortune, has a following ;having with him his sons and their families ; his younger brothers andhis nephews, and their children. Such a man may assume or acquirea title, and a title is inherited by a son or brother.A chief (for example, 4 ardo ’, = leader) has little or no authoritybeyond his closer relatives. The clan will, of itself, collect round agood ‘ ardo ’— he has not the authority to collect it ; but will dispersefrom an unpopular one.A successful man, having collected a considerable following, wouldassume a title in an area other than that wherein the senior chiefremains : should he visit the area in which the chief dwells, eventhough this chief should be poor in cattle, he would still acknowledgehim as his superior in chiefship, and profess his own allegiance, andwould, if in the vicinity, pay him a courtesy visit. If he had dealingswith the local ruler, such would be done through the medium of, orin company with, this resident ‘ ardo ’ or chief. Thus, at a givertime in a certain area or emirate, some clans will be found to have ncchief, while some have more than one. Members of a section of onttribe with no local leader or 'ard o ’, having become separated bj184distance from any chief of their own, sometimes attach themselvesto some other tribe or section of a tribe, with whom they are or havebeen in some way associated, such as tie of locality of origin, who havea leader or chief who is in contact with the ruler of the area in whichthey are grazing, or in an adjacent area.CONTROL OF HERDSA typical ‘ Cow ’ Fulani knows his cattle individually : while he maynot know exactly how many he has, he does know if one is missing,and which individual animal this is, and will avoid no exertions insearching for it until discovered. There are names for an almostinfinite number of combinations of hair colours, and by these namesthe cattle are known : the individual animal is often spoken to by thatname and, when a Fulani is moving his cattle, many of the cries, whichappear to the uninitiated to be nothing more than vague noises madeto the herd, are, in reality, calls to individual animals.Further, it is to be remarked that these Fulani are able to identifythe animal of a neighbour’s herd, even though not of the same campor clan, and, from its characteristics, to name the line on the femaleside, in that herd, from which it has been bred ; so that, if butchersare seen to be leading a beast to the town, the remark ; “ That is fromso-and-so’s herd ” , is a commonplace.The ease with which the majority control their cattle — often nonetoo tame — is often commented on, small boys being quite capable ofcontrolling a considerable herd out to graze.Sometimes control is so good that, should the herdsman desire tokeep the wherebouts of the cattle secret, one may pass close by a herdin bush without hearing a sound or knowing that there is a herd withinmiles, the cattle having remained quite still, being trained to follow theherdsman, and when he stops, as if to listen for pursuers, to remaintogether, silent, and also listening for any sound from that direction.I have watched cattle at a camp walk quietly, one by one, into bushwhen the owner, not wishing me to inspect them closely, spoke to themin undertones — in the intervals explaining to me how he could notkeep the herd together. On another occasion, I have heard the lighttapping of a staff on a tree send the cattle helter-skelter to the sleepingplace, at a distance, where they all faced about in the direction of ourapproach : here they could be inspected at will and remain perfectlyquiet, whereas in bush they would have scattered ; some herds beingso trained — a device dating from the old days, but still found veryconvenient on certain occasions.It is not uncommon to see a whole herd follow the leadership of theherdsman at a quick run. Swimming cattle over broad rivers, thecattle following the herdsman, is a specialised a r t: where cattle are notused to it, it is hard work getting them to enter the deep w ater; forseveral days the cattle may break back and have to be collected forthe morrow’s attem pt: finally, on occasions, some other known crossingmay have to be tried, all attempts having failed : extra precautions,with canoe-men in attendance, are commonly taken.19MOVEMENT OF CATTLEThese ‘ Cow * Fulani take a pride in their cattle, and take care ofthem : great is the scorn expressed when tick-ridden animals are seenin another’s herd — an obvious sign of lack of attention.Pack-oxen, whose early training is confined to carrying the picketingropes or other light bundles, are commonly used for transport, thoughdonkeys may be used to carry young children and the aged. Someof the larger oxen are a fine sight, carrying the bamboo branches‘ kewe ’ (which constitute the portable shelters of a number of nomads) ;the household and milking utensils, calabashes, corn-mortars and thelike ; while it sometimes takes a second look to find some young childrenperched securely among these articles, almost as young birds in a nest.A number of — or at the least a few — sheep are more frequentlykept than n o t: they can be disposed of when the smaller needs for readycash arise, obviating the necessity to sell from the herd. Cattle maybe sold at any time ; as needs for clothing arise ; on occasionsof the arrival and entertainment of visitors; for celebrationsand other expenses after childbirth, etc. ; to meet cattle-tax; orto buy food if this is short on account of the amount of dairyproduce for disposal being small. The average Fulani does nottrust himself to keep intact any considerable amount of money for anylength of time.Before moving their herds from one area to another, or when on themove, nomads are careful to make extensive enquiries as to the stateof the area into which they propose moving, gathering all the newsthey can, especially as regards cattle diseases or absence of disease,and sending members out well in advance for this purpose.The same holds good, in my experience, in the case of cattle inoculationcamps, when a scout is sent on to enquire regarding all conditions :this scout is probably never known to the Veterinary staff; but evenif he is known, it will not be any propaganda by the staff which willdecide him whether to recommend his people to bring their cattle orn o t: they will go on his report of what he has gathered from Fulaniand what he has seen with his own eyes. More than once, on noticinga stranger, I have told him to look round his friends’ inoculated cattleand see how they have fared ; receiving the reply ; “ I have alreadydone that.”Although, with the freer movement of all types of cattle-ownersince the British occupation, avoidance of contagious diseases is lesseasy (a disgruntled old Fulani once said to me ; “ I never saw all thesedifferent diseases until after the ‘ white men ’ came : my cattle were allright until everything was changed by them ”), these Fulani are successful, often over a long period of years, in keeping their herds free fromthem. Their calculations are sometimes upset by the presence ofRinderpest in wild ruminants and pig. I recollect a case of this a fewyears ago, when a member of the Bagananko’en, with his extensivefamily, brought a total of some 1,600 head of strong and very wild20cattle to our Talata Mafara (Sokoto Province) camp. In conversationwith one of the sons, aged about 24 or 25, I found that he had neverpreviously seen Rinderpest in their herds : but that some cattle hadrecently become infected through contact with bush animals, and thewhole party, which had been more or less together, had decided to comein for anti-Rinderpest inoculation at once : happily they lost very fewcattle. I know, at the present time, of parties of families with largenumbers of cattle — in two cases they number well over a thousandhead — in a comparatively small, but somewhat isolated area, whichhave for many years not experienced Rinderpest, nor have they everbrought their cattle for inoculation. I (and they as well) know of otherparties which have within recent years lost up to, and over, 90 per centof cattle from a natural outbreak of Rinderpest; yet they appear toprefer to take their chance rather than risk some mortality followinginoculation, and bringing their herds out of their isolation into closecontact with the herds of other owners.Some of the older men have a surprising knowledge, extending overa vast area, of details of the reputation of grazing areas both good andbad : and take great care to avoid those where ‘ hendu ’ or ‘ ladde ’has been known to cause a mortality, even though it were twenty ormore years ago : since ‘ hendu ’ would include such spore-formingdiseases as Anthrax, their attitude would appear to be well-founded.It would seem that, following the death of such older men, knowledgeof this kind is allowed, in some cases, to die with them, or cautionsare ignored by their successors. As a case in point, some condition of,or at the time of, the ‘ black-waters ’ of the mid-December — mid-MarchNiger floods, is known to have seriously affected herds, and caused agreat mortality in certain years, though not recently : the people whohave grazed in these areas in the southern part of Sokoto Province foryears, withdraw their cattle from about the river until these floods arepassed : but some nomads who have recently arrived in the area areapparently unaware of this state of things (their elders having died,they moved away from an adjacent area where they had grazed for someyears), or have not heeded warnings : locally there is much shaking ofheads over their folly, for it is not doubted that a mortality will recursooner or later.It sometimes occurs that young men — this applies more to nonnomads— sent off for the dry season grazing grounds, discover anarea of good grass which others appear to have missed, althoughadjacent areas are full of cattle ; and only discover some time later,through the appearance of, for instance, Trypanosomiasis, that therewas very good reason for the area being left ungrazed.The waters of various streams and pools are very generally consideredresponsible for a subsequent outbreak of 4 Sammore ’, which termincludes Trypanosomiasis ; and are referred to, by some, as ‘ ndiyamkewe’, that is, the water by which the bamboo Oxytenantheraabyssinica abounds— where tsetse are probably present— which wateris said by them to affect humans as well.21Cattle are considered to be 4 salted * to Trypanosomiasis in the courseof two years. However, heavy losses from this disease may occur inherds in certain years, notably following a hard dry season which hasleft cattle thin and weak. I have noticed that some owners spend aseason away from a known tsetse-infected area before coming in foranti-Rinderpest inoculation ; return to their 4 fly ’ area for two or threeseasons, and then repeat the procedure; which indicates that theyrealise that trypanosome infected cattle have little reserve of resistanceagainst an added strain.In following a policy of isolation from contagious diseases, it hasbeen the custom to break up herds and avoid having “ all one’s eggsin one basket ” by herding groups of cattle separately on differentpasturages. For similar reasons it was, and is, not usual to bring allRinderpest-susceptible cattle for inoculation at one time, though insome cases even the Nomadic Fulani now do this— apart from youngcalves ; but still with some trepidation lest some untoward happeningarise.Apart from this precaution, the various sections of Nomadic clansdo not make encampments close to each other. They do not buy incattle, except from a kinsman who may wish to realise for cash in orderto buy clothing, salt, etc., and then only a beast which they know throughhaving spent the season together with the owner. An exception isimportation of bulls from owners of certain types of cattle renownedfor their good qualities, as the 4 Jabtoji ’ type among the red longhorns ;or some similar particular circumstance ; but never from a strangeror in the m arket: the Settled Fulani often do buy thus, and perhapspurchase beasts which may have been hawked round several m arkets;in this way they frequently introduce disease into their herds.By this system, combined with that of obtaining news of outbreaksof disease, the nomads reckon they are well able to avoid those contagiousdiseases which are not endemic. In Nigeria, as a whole, their onegreat fear is an outbreak of Rinderpest, which they cannot, in the main,avoid, since they may inadvertently cross the trail of Rinderpestinfected cattle or bush animals, or water their cattle at the same place.CATTLE HUSBANDRYCalves are generally considered immune from (or at most suffera very mild attack of) Rinderpest, if their dams have had the diseaseuntil the rain of the wet season following that in which they are bornstrikes them ; which means that they are immune until they are severalmonths old, as to the majority, since most are dropped during the hotseason just prior to the rains (the time of the early tornados), andduring the early rains.According to some — the following was given by an elder of aRahaji clan — the site of an outbreak of Rinderpest or ContagiousBovine Pleuro-pneumonia is considered clear after two months : thespot where a Pleuro-pneumonia death occurred must be burned over.If during the rains, Rinderpest and Pleuro-pneumonia infected landmust not be grazed over for ten days, so that rain may clean it.22Land infected with ‘ Hendu ’— which may include Blackquarterand Anthrax— may not be grazed for two years (though others maydo so— some are said to have a charm or preventative against it).If cattle die at a wet season camp from ‘ Hendu,’ then cattle whichare put o?T the site of that camp the following wet season will die ;but a hot season outbreak does not have this ill effect. No doubtideas on the subject vary considerably.The majority of nomads, and some others, warn nearby cattle-ownersof an infection in their cattle, so that these neighbours may have theopportunity of moving their herds away, and an arrangement as toseparate pasturing and watering places is made. Non-nomads confirmthis : it is agreed that non-nomads are as likely as not to hide the factthat their cattle are infected, and frequently camp close to, or let thecarcass of a dead beast lie near, the camp of another, from sheermaliciousness, so that they shall not be the only losers. I have oftenheard of such instances. Should a ‘ stranger ’ bring cattle infectedwith disease into a ‘ preserve ’ of Nomadic Fulani, he will not, as a rule,be there long before he is set upon and driven out with the blows, of anumber of angry cattlemen.Among antidotes for various conditions, those for 4 Hendu ’ or‘Ladde’, or whatever term may be used locally for the diseaseswhich suddenly strike down cattle (with Blackwater, etc.), may moreproperly be left to the section on superstitions. Cures for manyminor disorders are made up, usually from concoctions of barks, herbsand the like. Some claim a remedy for Redwater. Many of theindividual recipes are kept a secret to the individual or to the family.Of more practical use is the vaccination against Contagious BovinePleuro-pneumonia. A piece of infected lung is left in milk for twoor three days until of a sufficient ‘sourness’. A small piece is insertedunder the skin of the nose of each beast to be treated, a cut being madeto receive it, and the piece pressed well in. Some days later the beastsare again caught and fired, an oval being described about the seatof vaccination on the nose. Other lines are made, one on eitherside of the face, later, in cases where extensive reaction threatens ;in order to encircle swellings which spread towards the neck, in anattempt to limit them.The method is frequently effective ; but is crude, and often leads toenormous swelling of the head ; extensive suppuration and sloughing ;and a number of deaths. Experts are not always available : it is notcarried out by all and sundry ; some considerable areas possess nobodywith the necessary knowledge and ability.An interesting experiment was carried out some ten years or so agoin Yauri Division : the idea being to obtain for cattle life-immunityagainst Rinderpest by exposing them to contact with cattle with aninfection which had been noticed to be so mild as to cause no mortalityin the herd in which it started. A number of Fulani took their cattle,and what appeared to be a satisfactory reaction ensued : however, somefour years afterwards, the cattle were exposed to an outbreak ofRinderpest to which many succumbed. The experiment has not beenrepeated, to my knowledge, nor have I heard of its like elsewhere.23Reduction of fractures is practised, the animal’s limb being set insplints and bound.Castration of bulls is performed usually when they are well grownand two to three years old, or older, by placing the spermatic cordsover a pestle used for pounding grain, and beating them with a clothbeater’s mallet, the operation taking some considerable time, and theanimal often taking long to recover fully from the effects of the subsequent swelling and possible other injury. With rams, the cord isbeaten with the iron rod used for pressing out cotton-seeds. It isnot all Fulani who practise castration of rams, but those who do sosay that it is preferable to operate on them when young, by openingthe scrotum and cutting the cords : to control subsequent bleeding,the scrotum is filled with a decoction of the soaked pods of ‘ gabdi ’(the tree Acacia arabica), recognized as a styptic.The powdered bark of the tree ‘ kahi ’ (Khaya senegalensis) isused on sores and wounds, and is said to be a remedy against maggots.I have watched with interest the treatment of a punctured woundin the belly of a heifer which had been badly torn by horning, themuscular belly-wall having been perforated, and the gut extrudedbut not pierced. A rag was allowed to smoulder while the beast wascarefully thrown, the exposed gut was returned to place, the preparedrag placed over the gash in the belly-wall and then smeared withhot butter to prevent pus forming : it was explained that if raw butterwere used, or if none were available, a handful of grains of corn wouldbe poured in to have the same effect. The flaps of skin were securedby making holes with an awl near the edges, and the flaps sewn togetherwith fibre.The heifer made a quick recovery. It was obvious that this was notthe first case which the operator had dealt with.Bulls are not infrequently introduced from herds of certain clanswhich are celebrated for the good quality and purity of type of theircattle ; as, for example, the fine red ‘ Jabtoji ’ type with pure white horn.If an owner’s cattle number twenty or over, he should possess his ownstock-bull. The service of a bull is allowed free and in neighbourlygoodwill to a small owner, except to a man who has as many cattle aswarrant the possession of a stock-bull of his own, or has as many cattleas his neighbours, and has refused to acquire one.In a large herd, however many bulls there be, the younger ones willnot be able to serve cows and heifers, for fear of the ‘ master ’ bull,except in stolen cases ; all the adult cattle being herded together.If thought necessary to rest the stock-bull from overserving, etc., this‘ master ’ bull is tied up, and the next in size and strength takes hisplace. Commencing to serve as a three-year-old, a bull is dispensedwith at seven years old, having sired three years’ crops of calves ; so thathe may not mate with his own progeny, the first of which are nowcoming to service.24Under reasonably good grazing conditions, heifers will take the bullat three years old, and so calve before the age of four : instances of earliercalving, under favourable conditions, are not rare ; but under hardconditions, heifers will not calve until considerably later.Cows of certain strains in the herd, mainly in cattle of Settled Fulani,under good grazing conditions, will calve regularly each year ; underhard conditions, cows not infrequently go up to two years betweencalvings, especially among the red longhorn type, which requiresextensive range if the cattle are to do well.Among cattle kept alongside the large rivers and on their islands(for example, the Niger), and in marshes where there is a good supplyof lush grass for the greater part of the year, early maturity is obtained :but the cows soon go off, and are finished with when still relativelyyoung, as a rule ; liver-flukes and other parasites taking their toll.Such cattle may spend much of their grazing time standing in water.Cattle of certain types kept in arid areas, which are frequently wateredfrom wells only, once daily, at about midday, if introduced temporarilyinto river areas, are still kept to the uplands grazing of dry grasses, butare taken down to water twice daily, at about 11 a.m. and mid-afternoon(zura), the usual times for watering cattle where water is plentiful.Endeavours are made to adapt cattle to a new environment by crossbreeding. As an example, some Fulani who arrived on the Niger inYauri Emirate, some thirty years ago, with the upland White Kano (orYakanaji) type, decided to spend the greater part of the year grazing themarshes, and purchased red bulls of the local breed of the marshland :they have obtained quick maturity, and cattle multiply at a quick rate ;but are, however, of a nondescript type, mainly of broken colours, towhich the name 4 Gambaraji ’ has been given, and are poor milkers.Other Fulani who arrived with them, and have retained the ‘ Yakanaji ’type fairly pure, spend less time in the marshes, withdrawing at theearly rains, and have the better type of cattle, and better milkers ; butdo not get the quick increase.Another small party which I noticed a few years ago were ‘ adapting ’their cattle to conditions on the Niger, West of Nigeria, in Dahomey ;purchasing red bulls for mating with their ‘ Yakanaji ’ cows : at the sametime they were trying to introduce a characteristic of the red longhorntype— that of following the herdsman when on trek, whereas their owncattle have to be urged on from behind. Since most of them are nowback within the western borders of Nigeria, they do not appear to havehad much success in attaining the former object. I have not been ableto observe as to the latter.Salt-licks, for which certain areas are noted, are valued ; whileprepared native salts are extensively used for cattle, chiefly the whitenatron (kamva ndaneha). Some types, salts such as ‘ mangul ’ (mandabaleha) — given as a lick or in water where no ‘ kanwa ’ is available ; and‘ Foga ’ (included in the red type, manda mbodeha); are given verysparingly, as they are known to be harmful otherwise. Also used is the25s‘\ t ^alma ’ (of the red type, manda mbodeha), if there is no ‘ kanwandtaneha ’ available. Common togged salt of European make has beenUsed to a considerable extent. The natrons and salts are used mostextensively from before the middle of the rains until harvest time, and,nowadays, after anti-Rinderpest inoculation.Marking of cattle, when they are calves, is done by making a slit in*he ear> ^ cutting a section out, or by cutting a hole through it with anue ( jelgol): branding with a hot-iron is used by some (jelgol chumal).firing, or marking the skin with a hot-iron, is used extensively ;in circles to limit sites of inflammation, swellings, etc., or in lines orpatterns as a remedy against various conditions, such as StreptothricosisApart from the major cattle diseases, a large number of minorsicknesses are recognised, and remedies applied : the names of thesesicknesses vary somewhat according to district or tribe.De-ticking is recognized as a very necessary measure : a precautionagainst tick-borne diseases.•Where a herdsman is employed, he is provided with clothing andsandals, mod and drink : having completed twelve months grazing, heis entitled to a one-year-old bull for grazing up to thirty head (an ownerwho is well pleased might give a two-year-old) : a one-year-old heifer forheraing rrom thirty to sixty head : if he is able to look after up to 100head without their proving too much for him, a three-year-old heiferGrazing of the cattle may be undertaken in rotation, over a period ofseven days, by Settled Fulani, when herds of, say, three small ownersmay be united and grazed by one herdsman, enabling the others toengage in other work, such as cultivation.Calves do not go out with the herd ; but spend the day in the vicinityof the camp. By the bigger owners they are not considered as part ofthe herd until old enough to go out grazing with the older cattle, sincethey are, as yet, too young to be reckoned as being of any practical value.The cattle resting-place is situated West of the shelters or huts, thedoorways to which normally face West. But if a farm is to be manuredlound about the camp or dwelling-place, the cattle are moved round atintervals to accomplish this.Cattle-fouled areas are avoided when selecting a site for a camp,except that land under cultivation may carry cattle year after year for aperiod sufficient to manure it, when subsequent cultivation againfreshens the area for cattle.A smudge-fire is lighted for the returning cattle, in the evening, attheir resting-place — the ‘ hoggo ’ or ‘walde’, the twigs of the shrubGuiera senegalensis (geloki) being used as a rule for this purpose,mainly to drive off and keep away flies, which otherwise torment thecattle (though it is said that certain other twigs have other virtues whenburned). A fire is very usually kept up all night, partly as a protectionagainst wild beasts, for which a watch is kept — at least with half an eye.26At morning and evening, each calf is allowed to suck a little from itsdam, after which the calf is tied to the tethering rope and the dammilked : having ‘ let down ’ her milk for the calf, the milking is noweasier, but if she is a ‘ difficult milker ’ the calf may be tied close to her,or to her foreleg. After milking, the calf is allowed to suck again, thusobtaining the richest milk, until the dam is milked out.Nomadic Fulani, particularly, like to see a calf in good condition andgetting sufficient milk ; but it is said that a good state of health in thedam is of more importance than the obtaining of a great quantity ofmilk by the progeny, in the rearing of a good calf.To stop calves sucking the dams when they get opportunity duringthe day, which may happen in some herds, urine or dung is sometimesrubbed onto the cows’ teats, but is washed off before milking time. Amuzzle with projecting long thorns is put on a calf to prevent the damallowing it to suck her when the calf has reached the weaning stage andthe cow has not dried off: naturally many calves are weaned throughthe cow drying off. Sometimes a calf is allowed to continue to suckuntil it is so large as to have to kneel in order to do so.When a young calf dies, bran is given to the dam, as an inducement,so that she may continue to be hand-milked : if she is intractable, someFulani flay the dead calf and dry the skin, which is put near the cow — sothat she may smell it — when it is desired to milk her.ECONOMIC PRODUCTS — DAIRYINGAmong the Nomadic Fulani, the women do the milking ; but amongmany sections of the Settled Fulani, the men do all the milking — forexample, in ‘ Barno Nguddiri ’ (Hadejia, Katagum, Misau and Jama’ari).The dairy work is in the hands of the women : they sour the milk,prepare milk and butter for market, and take these products to the townor village, sometimes from a considerable distance.After milking, the milk is set aside for souring, which occurs naturallyin hot weather, but in cool weather is assisted by first swilling thecalabashes used for the souring process with a little of the previous day’ssour butter-milk (njonkadam or pendidam) put by for the purpose(often then called njuggam). This sours it quickly — otherwise, exceptin hot weather, milk may not sour satisfactorily until after twenty-fourhours. Certain plants may be used to sour milk, for example, ‘ dalli ’(Phoenix Reclinata ?).When curdled, the milk is known as ‘ danidam ’ or ‘nyallunde’.This ‘ danidam,’ the cream not having been removed, may be used forwhisking and mixing with other foods (it is then known as mburwadam— from the verb wurwa, to whisk), or it may be kept to churn ; aspecially prepared large gourd, with a small calabash cap or cover, beingthe usual churn, which is rocked to and fro on the ground.It is a common practice, where undiscerning buyers of milk may beimposed upon, to remove cream (for butter production) before the milkis fully curdled ; after which another layer of cream will form, which isleft on the milk, giving it the appearance of whole-cream milk, and which27\he undiscriminating purchaser may think composes the normalconsistency of whole sour milk ; the Fulani thus getting the benefit oft e extra cream for butter production by selling the milk with hardlyany cream in it. JButter may be made by churning the whole of the sour milk (danidam),as above, or by churning cream removed from the ‘danidam’.from Kano, Katsina, Zaria and to the eastward, the whole milk(aanidam) is churned. When churning is completed, the butter istaken out, leaving sour butter-milk — known as ‘ njonkadam’, which isturned out into a calabash : some then add a quantity of water beforetaking it to market, in order to make more of it.I he butter is formed into balls and put into some of this milk, inwhich it floats, to keep it from softening or melting, and taken for sale.In Sokoto Province, down to the Niger River, people will not buytms sour butter-milk (njonkadam) as they mistrust that water has been added to it before sale.A form of fraud practised when butter is made in the above manner(that is, frorn whole sour milk) is to continue to churn, after the butterhas broken ’ or formed, until the grains of butter collect into looselyknit clusters or lumps, which are then made up into loose balls — thelumps do not coalesce — and immersed in the butter-milk, some of whichthe balls take up and, when they have remained for some time in themilk, they have the appearance of being solid butter, but actuallycontain a quantity of butter-milk. This, known as ‘belbel’, is a white butter.Such fraud appears to be fairly successful when selling to those whodo not know on sight what good butter should be; but the seller’sreputation is likely to become known and, if the market is full of butter,she will have but a slow sale until the supply of good butter is exhausted!An excuse made is th a t; “ The youngsters overchurned it.”In Sokoto Province where, as has been mentioned, there is no sale forsour butter-milk, it is the custom to make butter from cream taken offthe soured milk ‘ danidam ’, which cream may then be churned orshaken in a bottle-gourd, or beaten up with a whisk in a calabash, eitherdaily or, where there are few milking-cows, every second or third day,when the product of two or three days’ milk is mixed.The skimmed sour milk (gulutche) is whisked and drunk with foods(being somewhat like the sour butter-milk ‘njonkadam’ which it hasbeen noted the people of the area will not buy for fear it has beenwatered).Unknown to the many, a form of fraud is practised on them by addingwater to this ‘gulutche’. A little of the ‘gulutche’ is taken andwhisked, and a considerable quantity of water added to it, when it isagain whisked to an even consistency. The remainder of the goodgulutche ’ is divided into two portions, one part being put in the28bottom of the marketing calabash, the treated (watered) portionfollowing, and then the other part of the good ‘ gulutche ’ put on top.Before arrival at the market, it has become well mixed and, should apurchaser remark on the fact that it has become thin or watery, theFulani explains that it is owing to the distance she has had to walk.A fraud practised with the butter made in the above manner is, afterchurning and taking out the good butter produced, to take enough toform a pat or ball, flatten it out and place some sour milk ‘ danidam 5in the centre, and fold it so that the sour milk forms a core to the ball(which may then be put in milk contained in a spoon or small calabash,in which it is rolled with a rotary movement to remove any excessivemarks of tampering): and so on until all the pats are filled. This is abutter of a good yellow appearance which, after washing and clarifyingby the purchaser, become very reduced in quantity.Butter made from cream alone is not taken to market in the buttermilk ; but, in hot weather only, in order to keep it firm, is placed in acalabash floated in a larger one containing milk for sale or water.Butter made from cream collected over a period of two or three days,where butter production is on a small scale ; or that made daily andbrought in only on a market-day, owing to distance ; may have a souror rancid taste, or smell, depending on the amount of milk remainingin i t ; but since it is clarified by the purchaser as a rule, it is readilybought.Good fresh butter of a rich yellow colour may be bought, and needsonly washing, and salting to taste, to be very palatable for the table ofEuropeans.It appears to be an exception for the Nomadic Fulani to adulteratebutter.Other forms of adulteration of sour butter-milk (njonkadam orpendidam) include such as increasing the viscosity and acidity, and thusallowing of the addition of water, by the use of the pulp from the fruitsof the baobab (njulandi) or the root of Vitis pallida (gubuwol).The former method is used where milk is scarce in an area and thepeople have no choice but to buy what is on offer, and if accusation ofsuch adulteration is made, it is admitted by the sellers ; “ So as to makethe milk go further. ” The latter method is used in order to give thesour butter-milk the appearance and consistency of whole-cream sourmilk (mburwadam), with full intent to deceive purchasers: it will go badovernight. There are other modes of adulterating butter.It used to be the general custom to wash butter as part of its preparation for m arket: nowadays, while some wash it before making it up intopats or balls, a great many more do not.While the majority of Fulani make butter from well soured milk,many of the Nomadic Fulani make it from milk which has not completelysoured ; the churning of such milk producing a large proportion ofbutter of good quality, though rather lacking in flavour ; but yielding ahigh percentage of butter-fat when melted and all water has beepevaporated.29When on the move, and there is no time for further preparation,nomads put the fresh milk into stoppered bottle-gourds and place theseamong the loads of the pack-oxen where, being shaken by the movementsof the animals, on arrival at their destination the butter will have‘ broken ’ ; but the butter-milk, only half soured, is not palatable.Where cash is obtained for the dairy products, it belongs to thewoman; the cattle-owner has no title to it. Cash from the sales isexpended in buying food for the household, chiefly corn (as noted,dairy products are often bartered for farm produce): in the purchase ofclothes for the woman herself: in clothing for the young childrenincluding some of the younger herding boys. If the woman sees herway to so doing, she may also clothe some of the older herding boys.Other expenditure is incurred on festive occasions or social gatherings.It is rarely used to help the cattle-owner out in cattle-tax payment,though this might be done as an act of grace by a wife who has had(several) children by her husband. Otherwise, on a later occasion of atiff, a woman may make it a cause of scornful reproach that her husbandcould not of himself pay the tax in full.More probably, the husband will have to pay the tax on any cattlewhich may be owned by his wife. The husband does not know theamount of money obtained by his wife, the amounts expended, or theamount she may put by. When dairy produce is short, he may have tosell from the herd in order to tide over the period.By custom, a husband informs his wife when he intends to sell orbuy stock, obtaining her views. To be morally valid, such sale orpurchase should have her approval.Most Settled Fulani women and girls are able to, and do, spin andprepare the cotton thread for weaving, to the benefit of their householdeconomy.It used to be a general custom, still largely followed in ‘East Hausa’,though I have not seen it in the Western Emirates, of non-Fulani(habe) women to have stalls in the villages from which they retailedthe milk ‘ danidam ’ (but not the butter-milk ‘ njonkadam ’ or thebutter).1 his ‘ danidam ’ was brought in by Fulani girls and young women ;when the produce had been sold, the cash and the calabash of eachindividual was handed back to her to take home. At the end of a week,the older women would come in and give the milk-dealer a present forher services.Otherwise the Fulani women and girls retail the produce themselves.SEASONAL GRAZINGWhen cattle were on the move at about harvest time in the more orless trackless areas of bush, it was usual to break off branches at intervalsand leave them lying in the track, or knot together the heads of tallergrasses, to indicate the line of trek taken by the cattle, so that those whohad been in the town might easily follow to the new camping ground.30Soon after the commencement of the rains, the Fulani leave the dryseason grazing grounds and, following the spring of new grass, movetowards their wet season quarters, away from the marshlands to theuplands — usually in a northerly direction. They will endeavour toreach the selected area before the advent of cattle-tax on July 1st,though many will not have settled down by that time.At the wet season camp (dumirde), a zareba or kraal of tree branches,within which the cattle spend the night, is constructed, with an extensionat one — the East — end where the herdsmen or owners and familiesshelter, with a bar-way between it and the cattle enlcosure ; and afurther bar-way at the far end of the zareba through which the cattlepass to and from grazing. It is not usual for the Nomadic Fulani tomake zarebas at other seasons of the year. Some Settled Fulani putthe cattle in a zareba throughout the hot season. Some types such asthe ‘ Wodabe 9shelter at all seasons under the protection of trees, theircoverings for themselves and loads being skins ; shelters of other typesbeing dispensed with. While the menfolk construct the wet seasoncamps, the women usually set up the temporary shelters used at otherseasons.Some hobble their cattle two and two at night all the year round :some do not hobble their cattle. The hobbles are sometimes shown asrepresenting the number of adult cattle for tax counting.The calves are secured to the calf-tethering line after having had theirallowance of milk from the dam.The wet season camp is not broken until the harvest season after theend of the rains — though this does not mean that bodies of cattle arenot moved about for various purposes during the rains. Cattle thengo at once into the guinea-corn farms, as soon as the crop is harvested,for the ‘ stubble-grazing ’ (nyaile), the dry leafage and smaller shootsof the corn being highly prized by the Fulani : in fact, with each Fulanitrying to get in before the other, the farmer has, at times, difficulty inkeeping cattle off until the crop is safe.The cattle are now at the commencement of their move towards thedry season grazing grounds : at this period the movement takes place byslow stages, the object being to take advantage of as much guinea-corn‘ stubble-grazing ’ as possible before passing on. Many Fulani makefor areas of extensive farming with this object in view.The grasses of the upland areas will by now be ripening and dryingoff, or quite dry, and in many areas will consist to a large extent of tallstems, of great value for many purposes, but of little use to the cattleowners.In many areas, grass burning by iiunters and others has nowcommenced. The ‘ C ow ’ Fulani do little in the way of burninggrasses : should a man arrive in an area of dense grasses more than headhigh, among which cattle have not previously made tracks and troddendown, he will burn in order that the herd shall not divide up and thecattle get lost. It is not unusual, when spending some time in one place,to burn an area close to the camp in order that the calves — which donot go out grazing with the herd — may have the benefit of nibbling atthe resultant light crop of fresh young grass that springs up.31By the time that the hot season of the year has arrived, most owners —this does not include those nomads who are continually on the move —will have chosen their grazing area for that period and will probablyremain there until after the first rains — chiefly about lakes, streams andrivers, where grass will be most abundant. The dry season camp(sedirde) is often made, where such a site is available, on a sandbank inor by a river, clean and reasonably free from flies.At the hottest period, just before the rains commence, grass and waterare often very short and, especially if the dry season be very hard andprolonged, some cattle may die, and more may be lost after heavy rainhas fallen but the spring of young grass still remains scanty. Many herdsare in very lean condition, although, under favoured circumstances,a number of owners appear to be remarkably successful in keeping upthe condition of their cattle. The types of grasses found on the heavylands which are flooded in the wet season yield an early, but ratherscanty growth of green herbage in this hottest season, especially wherethe old grasses have been fired. The practice of some (Settled Fulani)to burn the dry grasses of such areas is attributed by others to muddledthinking, since, as nature’s time for it has not yet arrived, though theyoung grasses do come through, they will not continue to grow, and mayeven be withered up, and so set back, on account of being brought onbefore their time : such grass burning originated among those whograze their cattle in river valleys and flats of heavy lands, who burn theareas round about them to obtain this scanty growth.At the early rains, when flies become a greater nuisance, grass round-about the camp, or where the cattle are grazing, is often fired so that itcontinues to smoulder, being damp or partly green, and give off asmoke which keeps the flies away : at this period, too, cattle have to bemoved away from certain marsh areas on account of the prevalence offlies.When the rains have set in, there is a surplus of grass, and the cattleare considered to be soft in condition, although replete.In general, the shorter grasses are preferred, most especially the shortgrasses of hard clay soils and marsh areas.Following the early rains, cattle feed on the plentiful spring of younggrasses (daye) until, when the bulrush-millet is nearly ripe and theground is full of w^ater, they have gradually gone onto the grass ‘ garlabal ’(Fulani), ‘ karairayau ’, ‘ karan kabau etc. (Hausa), Andropogon(Arthrolepis), which has been growing fast during this tim e; and continueon this until the time of guniea-corn harvest. Cattle prefer this grass tothe others, which they eat only if ‘ garlabal ’ is not available. It is notdried off by weather conditions until the coming of the dry, parching, hotwind at that short inter-seasonal period (sollungo) when the guineacorn is ripe, just before the approach of the cold dry season. Thecattle then go onto the farm stubbles, eating the dry leaves (mbafu) ofthe guinea-corn, the remains of bean haulm and the like, with wdiat*morsollo ’ (F), ‘ harkiya ’ (H), Digitaria debilis ; ‘ saraji ’ (F), * burbuw a ’ or ‘ furei ’ (H.), Eragrotis tremula ; ‘ bulude ’ (F), ‘ kamsuwa *32(H.), Pennisetum pedicellatum and P. setosum, remain on the farms.Later, when the abundance of farm stubble is reduced, the smallerstalks and the softer parts of the larger guinea-corn stalks themselveswill be eaten. The peiod spent on the farms is prolonged as long as itis useful, when cattle then go into bush and eat any type of the driedgrass which is palatable to them : the now dry but soft ‘ garlabal ’, and‘ chelbi ’ (F.), ‘ datsi ’ (H.), Aristida Sieberiana ; ‘ bulude ’ from underbushes : until, at the hot season or ‘ tornado season ’ just preceding therains, half their food may consist of the leaves of trees and shrubs.After some six weeks of this dry grazing, the hot season will havebrought forth a light covering of young fresh grass (daye) in flats andhollows, when cattle will cease to eat the dry grasses, and eat only greenleafage in addition to the succulent ‘ daye \In pans of heavy soil where rainwater first lies, when situated aboutponds and lakes, a good growth of short grasses comes on before thegrass ‘ chelbi ’ does : in similar pans in uplands and hill country,‘ chelbi ’ only is found.During the period of the hot season, cattle are also grazed at nightwhere grazing is very short. In certain parts, for example, in Sokotocountry, it is the custom of many, from the time of harvest until theearly rains, to take the cattle out early in the morning to graze, andreturn with them to the camp at about 9 to 10 a.m., where they remainfor a time, and then go out again until night : others practise this onlyif grazing is very scanty.In the rains, the cattle are not let out to graze until the dew has driedoff; neglect of this precaution leading to losses in cattle at the time ofharvest. After a night of rain, when no dew can have risen, the herd isallowed to graze in the early morning ; but if there has been no rain,when there will be dew, the cattle will be kept in the kraal until the dewgoes off (the cows being milked meanwhile).A number of deaths during the early rains are said to be due to the factthat, when rains have fallen, the cattle will not eat dried-up grasses, butfollow the spikes of new grass, with which, the spikes being short, theytake in a considerable quantity of earth.Some say that feeding cattle on the leafage of lopped branchestowards the end of the dry season, though then putting the cattle intogood condition, leads to the occurrence of deaths among them in theheight of the wet season, and that it is preferable to seek the bestgrazing available and let the cattle make the most of the dry grasses thenobtainable, even though this does entail some loss in condition.Actually the grass Digitaria debilis is considered the best grass for alltypes of livestock ; but it is chiefly to be found on farms. Next in valueare Pennisetum pedicellatum and Pennisetum setosum; Eragrostistremula ; then Thelepogon elegans, known by many of the Fulani byits Kanuri name of ‘ kagarakagumji ’ (Hausa, datanniya).‘ Burugu ’ (H.), (Panicum stagninum) is found as a river-grass by suchrivers as the Niger, about swamps, and in swampy streams ; but is notgeneral : it provides good fodder over a great part of the year for thosecattle which are grazed about such areas.335While the above-mentioned grasses are general to many parts, thereare, naturally, other areas to which, owing to variation in the flora, theremarks cannot apply.Very tall grasses are of no use to the cattle-man ; the tops of theshorter, sweeter grasses, and the seeds in the heads — recognised bythe Fulani as good nourishment — being greatly preferred by the cattle.When grazing is so scanty that leaves of trees are considered necessaryto supplement the feed, branches of certain trees are cut off for thecattle to browse.These include ‘ leggel bali ’, which ruminants will readily eat at anytime of the year, and is considered the best. Smaller specimens arecontinually eaten down by wild, as well as domestic, ruminants.Others include 4 kawohi ’ (F.), ‘ kawo ’ (H.), Afzelia africana ; ‘ ibbiFicus gnaphalocarpa ; ‘ shannehi ’, Ficus kawuri; the less general‘ shanganehi \ Ficus iteophylla ; 4 golombi ’, Stereospermum Kunthianum — varying with the trees, useful for this purpose, found in thelocality.In places, the pods of ‘ barkehi ’ (the Hausa kalgo), (Bauhiniareticulata) are pounded and given — sometimes with bran and a littlepowdered natron — to some of the older catle to tide them over a periodof shortage, lest they get so weak as to be unable to get up, or stand,through lack of food.The fact that little grass burning is done by Fulani has been mentioned.Grass burning is started soon after the end of the rains by bowmenseeking game, then by hunters with dogs driving game : large areas areburnt in this manner. Later, farmers, in setting fire to scrub in orderto get ahead with breaking up more land, may lose control, and thenfire get out of hand, as may also happen in the case of honey seekerswhen smoking the bees for wild honey in the hollow of a tree, or whenthe dry wood is left smouldering and the tree finally falls among thegrasses.Especially where authorities have given instructions that grassburning is an offence, it is a favourite trick of irresponsible personsto throw a piece of smouldering dung among dry grasses some distanceoff a path, so that by the time surrounding grasses have caught alight,following the fire being blown into a flame by any breeze there mayhappen to be, he may be perhaps three miles away from the scene.A more elaborate plan is to take an old, hollow nut of the dum palm,stuffed with dung pressed in through the opening and plugged witha piece of rag. To this a light is applied, and the nut placed amongdry grasses : the dung, ignited by the rag, gives off a great heat whilesmouldering and the nut, glowing as a tinder for a considerable period,acts as a good delayed-action fuse, often used where regulations againstgrass burning are rigorously pressed.
    87 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • This a book I found online an account of the fulani and fulfulde as far back as 1945 a good read for those interested it also contains language and grammar pointers for those who want to learn. The Fulaniof Northern NigeriaSome General Notes by F. W. de St CroixDIP. AGRIC.Inspector of LivestockVeterinary Dept., Nigeria PRINTED BYTHE GOVERNMENT PRINTER, LAGOS1945 — (1437/45/550).   FulaniTheof Northern NigeriaSome General NotesF. W. de St CroixDIP. AGRIC.Inspector of LivestockVeterinary Dept., Nigeria%P ageH istory ............................................................................................................ 5L egendary Or i g i n .............................................................................................. 8Ch a r a c t e r ............................................................................................................ 9M ode of L iving : M i g r a t i o n ................................................................ 10D ecimation of H erds by D isease .................................................. 12Comparison between N omadic and S ettled F ulani .. 14Culture .. - ............................................................................................ 15D iscipline and L eadership ................................................................ 17Control of H e r d s............................................................................................19M ovement of Cattle ..............................................................................20C attle H u sba n d r y........................................................................................... 22Economic Products — D airying . . .. .. .. 27S easonal G razing .. . . .. .. .. .. .. 30Cattle-t a x ..........................................................................................................34Cattle M arkings and En u m e r a t i o n ..................................................36M arriage Customs and In h e r i t a n c e ..................................................37G ame of “ Soro ” ............................................................................................44G ames and F estivals ..............................................................................46D i e t ....................................................................................................................... 47S uperstitious Beliefs, Rites and P ractices .. . . 54Vocabulary .. . . . . . . .. . . .. . . 68\PRINTED BYTHE GOVERNMENT PRINTER, LAGOS1945 — (1437/45/550) Some General Notes on the Fulani ofNorthern NigeriaHISTORYTHO anyone who has cared to follow up what little is known ofthe history of Fulani from early times, it appears evident that therewere wide differences in status in their civilisation.Tradition is strong that Fulani originated somewhere “ to the East ” ;but historically it appears that early during the thirteenth centuryFulani immigrated to the Hausa states and Bornu from the West —probably owing to some threat to their independence, demands fortribute, or the like.We are told of Fulani preachers of the doctrines of Islam in Bornuand in the Hausa states. Also of a nomadic class caring only for itsherds and flocks ; holding itself strictly aloof from other races ; retainingto the full its racial characteristics and customs : herdsmen who caredlittle for religion and nothing for power ; but wholly for their livestock :they apparently paid some small tribute to the reigning chiefs.From the fifteenth century onwards members of the learned or‘ aristocratic ’ class held high positions of office or rank as advisers,imams, judges, commanders of armies, and the like, in the states of theperiod, on account of their intellect. Besides this they formed statesof their own. They became a ruling class : their independence ofcharacter appears at all times to have been acknowledged.At this period the nomadic tribes, in their mode of living, showed alike independent spirit; paying tribute or a grazing tax to those chiefs inwhose lands they grazed their cattle ; but owing allegiance to none, andmoving from territory to territory, at will, throughout the WesternSudan, from the upper reaches of the Senegal River to Lake Chad.In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries there were great numbersof Fulani in the Hausa states and western Bornu : each chief town had aFulani quarter, the ruling class of Fulani having risen in position farabove the herders of cattle and sheep ; intermarried with the families ofthe ruling negroid chiefs and, while retaining those Fulani characteristicsof intellect and a capacity for administration, had lost, or were losing,their distinctive physical features and, in adopting many of the customsof the peoples with whom they merged themselves, were losing theirown customs; the language of the country in most places replaced theirown. This became more pronounced with the religious revival whichcommenced about 1804 when, in the Hausa states, the Fulani language(Fulfulde) of the ruling class was gradually replaced by Hausa, and asocial amalgamation took place ; while, in Adamawa, intermarriage andconcubinage ‘ corrupted ’ the Fulani blood, though there was no suchmerger as in the Hausa states, and the Fulani rulers did not abandonFulfulde.1 his religious revival followed upon the Fulani victory in what was,originally, a local fight for survival for all classes of the race against theGobirawa ; following which the Fulani leaders — men of the ‘ aristocratic ’ class — went on to exploit their success, with those people ofother races who would ally themselves to them and under theirleadership ; and developed the religious revival into a conquest of the‘ habe ’ rulers in order to obtain power over a great area. Apart fromgiving local, but yeoman, help in the initial fight for Fulani survivalagainst the Gobirawa, it would appear that, in the subsequent movementto assume power and oust native rulers, the Nomadic Fulani took nofurther part.As will appear later, this mixing of the blood of the ruling classesmade even greater the gulf between them and the nomadic classes.With both, independence and innate pride of race was, and still is,a chief characteristic. They consider all the negroid and negro races asinferior, ranking themselves as a red— or, as we should term it, white —race ; negroids and negroes as black. In this connection I would notethat Europeans are referred to as ‘ wodebe ’ (singular, bodejo), the red(brown) men. But the nomadic classes had in those days - and stillhave — maintained their age-old exclusiveness, their customs andcharacteristics ; remain aloof, speaking their own language, uneducated,and retaining to a great extent the superstitious beliefs and fears whichtheir forefathers held before the general spread of Islam. Theydescribe themselves as being like birds— if one is touched, all the othersfly away — an apt comparison. Their confidence's not easily gained ;but may be easily lost.During the unsettled times before the coming of the British, theNomadic Fulani lived far from the towns in bush, usually in such largeencampments that it would need a considerable force to make asuccessful raid on them : as skilled bowmen they were well able and, ofcourse keen, to protect their cattle.Of the Settled Fulani, possessors in many cases of large numbers ofcattle, the owners lived within the towns. The herd was penned nearthe town under the charge of a trusted slave, who had slave herdsmento assist him if cattle were numerous. There also the owner would sendhis sons, in turn, to take part in the work until, after they had married,some would decide to dwell in the town, others to remain on thefarmland and with' the flocks and herds. When the father died, theeldest son would take his place in the town, as head of the family.In the event of a cattle raid, one or more of the party were able toescape and run to the owner with the news, whereupon he would collecta body of men to overtake the raiding party and, where possible,recapture the cattle. By living in the town there was the addedadvantage that, although part of the family was surprised, there wasalways a stronger part left to retaliate.Then, as now, they farmed extensively, and practically all of themkept, as they still do, a number of sheep, goats and fowls. (It may benoted that Nomadic Fulani travel with their fowls and chickens.)6At the present time many towns have a Fulani village adjacent tothem, or Fulani camps are found grouped about at some little distance,in their own farmlands.As regards the relationship of the Nomadic Fulani with the rulers,it would appear that the majority of, if not all, such tribes had, from longago, representatives of their own in the towns of the ruling chiefs.It is reasonable to agree with the Fulani assumption that this representation came about in such manner as that, as a young man, a member of afamily of standing, perhaps the son of an ‘ ardo ’ (Fulani chief orleader), would decide to give up the nomadic life for that of scholarshipand, having been given a wife, retire with her to a town. From timeto time relatives would visit and stay with him, and exchange news :when a man of learning was required he would be called in by them.He would be given a voluntary ‘ fee ’ for his assistance, and presentswould be given to him on various occasions. These dealingswould not go on without the knowledge of the local ruler, who wouldreceive his due portion from this man : moreover he would realise thevalue to him of one who knew of the movements of these NomadicFulani. On the other hand, it was safer for the Nomadic Fulani tohave some connection with the rulers : for one thing, it would be knownwhere there was any large body of cattle, and, without some suchconnection, the owners would be liable to attack from any quarter, sothat, staunch fighters as they were, it would be advisable to be free at leastfrom the cattle-raiding parties of the ruler in whose country they grazedtheir cattle, and an intermediary with the ear of the ruler would be anasset.Thus the scholar would in many cases become the go-between in theruler’s dealings with his nomadic relatives; and, in course of time, anintermediary between the ruler and the Nomadic Fulani frequenting theprovince. On entering the province for grazing, the leader of a tribe,or section of a tribe, would inform the ruler, through the intermediary,of his arrival and whereabouts. The nomads would escape the tax onindustries and on farms, levied on the Settled Fulani; but seasonalpresents of cattle would be made to the ruler, and his goodwill retained.It may be noted that, even now, the truth of an important residentFulani chief’s estimate of the number of his own and his followers’cattle is accepted for tax purposes.Again, though chiefship among the Fulani is hereditary, it is liable tothe choice of the members of the clan present, in that they may rejectthe eldest son of a deceased chief on account of his character, and elect ayounger brother. On account of disputes, and lest trouble should ariselater, the election of a chief might be done before the ruler, as witness,and as supporter of the chosen man should disagreement occursubsequently. (Election is confirmed by elder Fulani chiefs, whothen give the new chief a few words of advice on leadership.)It became customary for the town-dwelling intermediary to follow thenomads, who had a connection with the ruler of a certain province in themanner described, into any other province to which they might havemigrated, in order to collect from them the tribute ‘ chofal ’, paid in7cattle. Such was the custom at the time of the British occupation,and it was continued for the next few years in the altered form ofcattle-tax.Cattle were given as ‘ zakat ’ (locally zakka) and, even now, someannually take out ‘ zakat ’ as a voluntary gift to the local Imam and tothe ‘ modibbo ’ teacher of young disciples.The relationship between the chiefs of the nomads in bush and theimportant sedentary chiefs at the present day is remarked on later.LEGENDARY ORIGINFulani legends regarding their origin, and the origin of their languageand their cattle, vary considerably. As regards their origin, theyalways speak of it as having been from the E ast: an Arab connection isspoken of in these legends. As to the origin of their cattle, invariablyin my experience, these originated “ from a river some speak of theBarebari — Kanuri — first having cattle, and of the Fulani acquiringcattle from them. The various legends are well known and some ofthem are in writing.One legend of the origin of the language is that a child was born whowas not known to be a ‘ Fulani ’, since in those days there was no suchlanguage : later another child was born to the same mother. One day,not long after the younger child had been born, the mother went out towash herself. The younger child started to cry during her absence,and while the mother was approaching the home on her return, sheheard the elder child comforting the younger in words that she did notunderstand ; but which were understood by the younger child ; “ Jeda,inna ma wartai ” (“ Be quiet, your mother will come back ”). Shecalled another, who also could make nothing of these words. Bothchildren grew up speaking this — Fulani language; but they alsounderstood the language of their mother. And this is the originof the Fulani.As to the Fulani acquisition of cattle from the Barebari, the samenarrator says that it was foretold that certa:'n riches would appear fromout of the water : these riches were cattie : the S rati’en (Barebari) firstobtained them : later two Fulani entered among them. These twowithdrew to a place some distance away and lighted a fire and (the)cattle rose and went to where the fire was : this is how Fulani obtainedcattle.A legend as to the origin of the Nomadic Fulani is that a woman ofthe Settled Fulani gave birth to a son. One day she quarrelled withher husband and left him in a temper, taking the child into bush.She put the child down, and after a while returned home, forgetting him.Later on he was missed and, though they went into bush and sought forhim, he could not be found. The child grew up in the bush, and hadbecome a youth, when one day a spirit appeared to him and informedhim that, as he had lived all his life in the bush, so would he continueto live ; but that he would have riches : the spirit instructed him to goto the river and, when he saw a white cow come out of the water, he was8to turn round and walk away from the river, and the cow would follow.The youth did as he was told : he saw the white cow come out of thewater, turned round and walked away : he walked away for a long time,but at ast turned round to ook, unaware that, all this time, white cattlehad been coming out of the river and following him, and that there wasnow a great number of them. Immediately he turned round theyceased to come out of the water. The last four were red cattle, and thisexp ains why white cattle are far greater in numbers than red cattle.The youth continued to live in bush. He married an Arab g irl:they gave birth, and their sons and daughters, who were very lightskinned, married each other. Their cattle increased and increased innumbers. The descendants continued to marry between themselves :they have kept to the bush and do not go to the towns and marry.This version, given by a man of Jafun descent, appears to beappropriate to the Jafun tribes, which are divided, some being nomadicand others semi-nomadic, but of common origin.CHARACTERAs to character, a Fulani or ‘Pullo* (pi. Fulbe) has an innate senseof what is decorous and proper ; is pohte and respectful in manner to hisseniors : capable of great fortitude ; of bearing great pain or afflictionwithout showing his feelings : reticent regarding his affairs and, as a rule,his wrongs, real or fancied. He has a deep sense of shame. Unjustlyhumiliated, he will never forget the wrong done to him — it is said thatelders, in some such instances, pine away and literally die of shame.Justly punished for an offence he was wilfully committed, he is usuallyquick to “ forgive and forget ”. He is of a generally cheerful disposition.On the other hand, bad blood is engendered in “ affairs of the heart”,which may lead to woundings ; while there are some who will stoop tothe meanest tricks in order to revenge themselves on another. Intrigueand jealousy occurs between office-seekers.As prevaricators and artists in subterfuge, Fulani (Fulbe) would Ithink, hold their own in any company. As a whole, Fulani are veryquick tempered ; very sensitive ; easily take offence ; strongly resent aninsult, which they do not take “ lying down after high words, however,the matter is usually considered over, especially where others interveneas pacifiers.In affrays in which staves, knives, swords, or other weapons are used,a Fulani will usually give a good account of himself: he is not liable torun away.Of the superior intelligence of the average Fulani there can be nodoubt; but their character in general would appear to retard theiradvancement. Their suspicion of strangers, with attendant reticenceand evasiveness making even friendly advances difficult; and theirinherited feeling of superiority to those peoples among which theydwell; has maintained a barrier between themselves and all buta few outside their race.9MODE OF LIVING : MIGRATIONWhile the customs and characteristics of the various tribes of Nomadichulani (or ‘Cow Fulani *, ‘Bush Fulani’, as they are often called) arevaried to a considerable degree, one can generalise to some extent.Some customs are common also to the ‘Settled Fulani’, and certainremarks must apply to a greater or less extent to these.In considering Nomadic Fulani as a whole, the type ranges from thosewho never spend more than a few days in one place ; through those whohave no centre to which they return for a season, but continue to wanderwith their whole family, making more or less prolonged seasonal campsin any locality which suits them ; to those who have a centre where theaged and some of the other members of the family remain, and which isvisited from time to time by those members who graze the herds — suchas some of the Kano country tribes which spend the rainy season aboutBornu, Hadeiia and Katagum ; bring their cattle down to the proximityof their ‘ home town ’ ; leave some milking cattle and pick up drycows and other stock, and proceed to the Nassarawa area of BenueProvince for the dry season, returning North again with the advent ofthe rains.It will be found that the majority of these nomads have a more or lesscircumscribed circuit of seasonal grazing, unless and until somethingoccurs to cause them to make up their minds to vary it and try theirchances elsewhere.Many remain for several seasons about one area and then forsake it foranother at greater or less distance ; possibly returning a few years laterif they find the new area less suitable to their stock, or in their estimationin some other way unsuitable : such as some of the members of clans ofKatsina — Kano origin, for many years moving about in the Southernareas of Sokoto Province, who went as far as the Bayaro area of Dahomeyin the last four years, which excursion had not, I understand, beenundertaken before ; but who are now returning.Major migrations take place over a series of years, a few members —the scouts — leading the way and sending back reports as to conditions,when, if favourable, others follow ; so that, gradually, some thousandsof cattle belonging to many families are moved to a distance, the timeelapsing before the movement is completed being numbered in years.Of this type is the movement off the Jos-Pankshin Plateau, commencingin 1932, and reaching the Chamba area of Southern Adamawa and Muriin 1933-35, whence many Fulani passed East to the Cameroon Highlands.This gradual movement — they may spend some seasons^ route— wasstill in progress when I visited Southern Adamawa in 1937 and metFulani whom I had known about Pankshin in 1930.I am told, however, that the movement onward into French Territoryto the East received a check when the authorities there prevented someof the Fulani, who wished to return, from bringing their cattle withthem, so that those following did not go forward as they had intended. 10 Mention of the Kano-Katsina Fulani above, as being in the Southernpart of Sokoto Province, recalls to mind another big migration, ofFulani from Daura, the elders of which say came about on accountof a desire for new grazing grounds. This movement was gradual,via Zungeru area, thence to Kontagora area, whence some pushed onto Yauri Emirate and the Southern part of Gwandu Emirate, and moreto the hill areas of Rijau and Zuru, which they reached about 1907-1908.They are present in these areas in large numbers, with big herds ofcattle, which they say have increased considerably in numbers duringthis period. Their important chiefs came with them and remainedin central positions : their descendants now retain these chiefships.As in past times, the movements appear to be due to two mainreasons : a search for new pastures and an unexpressed, but neverthelesskeen, desire for independence and freedom from what they considerunwelcome interference and supervision by authority.Following the British occupation of Kano and Sokoto in 1901, therewere considerable migrations of Nomadic Fulani, and many have neverreturned : these migrations appear to have included many Wodabe.The first great reason for these movements, the never-ending searchfor new pastures, includes a strong desire to keep their cattle awayfrom those of the Settled Fulani, which they accuse of bringing andspreading cattle diseases wherever they go, and which, in these days,are for ever invading areas hitherto almost the preserve of the Nomadictribes.Regardingthis distrust of the cattle of the Settled Fulani, the Nomadictribes, wherever that may be, keep their cattle well apart from those oflocal Fulani. On each occasion on which I have visited the Chambaarea of Southern Adamawa, I have been urgently requested by thenomads to supply a separate inoculation ground for them : they kepttheir cattle separate from those of the settled Adamawa Fulani, whichwere “ full of diseases” , and did not wish to mix with them at aninoculation camp. At our camp in Yauri Division of Sokoto theyalways have the greatest suspicion of the non-nomadic herds whichcome in, keeping their cattle well apart from those of the Settled Fulani,and virtually reserving one end of the inoculation ground. In bothcases they keep the cattle apart during the period of quarantine and onthe day of release. I was told recently that a considerable numberof Siwalbe who had for some years been in Nassarawa area of BenueProvince, to which they came from Kano and Bornu, had returnedwhence they came owing to the increasing prevalence of Settled Fulanicattle.Sections of various tribes or clans may be found over an area ofthousands of square miles, in many instances sections being so farseparated that they have no knowledge of each other, though theyacknowledge being of the same tribe. In an area favoured by NomadicFulani it is usual to find families of a number of clans (of, for example,Kano Province origin) often lightly interconnected by tie of locality ;such families, or parties of families, keeping their camp, or camps,separate from those of the other clans, though freely mingling socially. 1 1 It is interesting to find, on making enquiry, that so many ascribetheir origin to so few small places, notably the large numbers whoclaim origin from places in Katsina and Kano Provinces, for example,Bebeji; Shanono (which the majority of Siwalbe speak of as theirplace of origin); and the numbers of Jafun origin.In many cases the connections refer to the comparatively distantpast, neither the informant nor his father having even visited the placeof origin. It would appear that they often have reference to that timewhen some early ancestor, perhaps the clan founder — since genealogiesare not traced as far back as the clan founder or common ancestor —found a favourable spot about which he grazed his cattle for someperiod. As the family group (or patrilinear clan) increased and thenumber of cattle multiplied, the group or clan would split up. Then,as now, the cattle would be divided, and the younger members seekmore extensive pasture grounds, thus easing the local pastures andensuring that they did not become cattle-fouled, and at the same timeminimizing the risks of an outbreak of disease.While the elders might remain as a family centre to which theyounger members returned at intervals, gradually the group wouldsplit up as those who married, and were given or inherited cattle,became independent and in their turn had offspring. Then, as now,members would from time to time visit their relatives until the deathof those nearer related to them, or distance and, in the old days, thedangers of travel, severed the link and created a separate entity.Nevertheless, there is constant intercourse over vast distances;visitors are constantly coming and going, or emissaries being sent fromplace to place ; while those on a journey avidly exchange news andgossip with acquaintances they meet. The speed with which theseFulani transmit news is proverbial. The whereabouts of any head ofa family of Nomadic Fulani, within an area considerably greater than,for instance, Sokoto Province, is usually ascertainable without havingto ask more than one or two members of the Nomadic clans.In the period of misrule by the Fulani overlords during the latterpart of the nineteenth century, Nomadic Fulani did not escape cattleraiding parties sent out by rulers into adjacent countries against whichthey were warring ; but they were less easy to discover than the SettledFulani, and in many cases the wildness of their cattle militated againstthe success of the raiders in getting them all home.At the coming of the British it was found that there was a ‘ tax ’on nomadic cattle, apparently little more than a grazing fee or tribute,or as much as could be obtained in cattle from the owners, since nogeneral rate was imposed and, doubtless, then as now, owners hadlittle to learn in ways of evading payment.DECIMATION OF HEADS BY DISEASEOf profound influence on the history of the cattle-owning Fulaniare great losses of cattle through disease, chief of which has beenRinderpest. In the years 1887-1891 a great outbreak of Rinderpestdecimated the herds of cattle-owners. Starting apparently about12Darfur, the disease reached what is now the French Colonie du Tchadin 1886, spreading straight from East to West. In the greater part ofpresent-day Nigeria the disease wiped out the great majority of cattle.This outbreak was commonly known in Hausa as ‘ Sannu ’, from theHausa greeting used as an expression of sympathy. The older mentell one terrible stories of those days. Attempts were made, by some,to fly from the disease and preserve their cattle. Fulani, having lostall — or nearly all — their cattle, became demented: many are said tohave done away with themselves. Some roamed the bush callingimaginary cattle: assaults on persons for imagined provocation orsuspected derisive remarks as to loss of cattle were common. Whenthe outbreak had spent itself and passed on, Fulani of the eastern areasof what is now Nigeria renewed their cattle from parts of Adamawathat had escaped, while those to the West obtained the almosthumpless ‘ Keteji ’ type kept by the Borgu Fulani from timeimmemorial, hardly cattle of the bush and hills of Borgu, Kaiama andNikki, which had apparently escaped the ravages of Rinderpest toa considerable extent. So great was the demand for cattle that, locally,it was common in many places to offer large prices for the unborn calf.In 1913-1914 was a further widespread outbreak causing tremendouslosses, following a great drought and famine over a large area : this wasknown by some as ‘ Gamagari ’ (Hausa), from its being general overa wide area.Again, in 1919-1920, another widespread outbreak devastatedFulani herds ; “ So that even hyaena did not eat the bodies of the deadcattle.” It was known by some as ‘Docchal’, because of thefew cattle it spared in a herd ; 4 docchal5 being Fulani for a remainderor remnant.The disease, of course, took its toll in the years between these greatoutbreaks, and continued to do so, to greater or less extent, until theintroduction of preventive inoculation by the Veterinary Department,which quickly became popular, and within a few years this scourgeof the Fulani was under control. The losses in cattle must have beenenormous : even now many Fulani say that they have by no means thenumber of cattle which they used to possess before the latter outbreaks.While some were fortunate and able to keep going the strain of cattlethey had inherited, many were reduced to such nonderscript herds asthey could build up in the course of time, so long as they consistedof cattle of some so rt; perhaps establishing a type later, as the herdgrew. A common explanation for possessing cattle of a type differingfrom those traditionally possessed by the tribe (for example, a Bodado,whom one would expect to have red cattle, possessing those of ‘ WhiteKano ’ type) is a laconic ; “ Soinde na’i ” — “ Lack of cattle.” Followingrepeated outbreaks, many of the Settled Fulani have never replacedtheir lost herds.Of the Nomadic Fulani, it may be said that cattle are his life ; theyare “ in the blood ” : he has no other trade, and he may have no otherpossession — some do not even keep sheep as a side-line. Withoutcattle he is lost. Should he be deprived of all his cattle through disease13or other misfortune, his one idea is to re-establish a herd. It is acharacteristic that in many instances, if they have escaped his misfortune,his relatives and friends will help him with gifts of cattle. Otherwisehe must make shift for himself. He will tend a herd for another, wholacks a son or other suitable herdsman, for his keep and for a gratuityof a heifer, preferably, or a young bull, at the end of the season.He will undertake a spell of labour, more frequently cultivatinga farm for a season or two, moving to a village for the purpose : anyshift which will mean cattle of his own eventually, and future independence. It is not uncommon to hear of a man restarting a herd literally“ ab ovo ” — purchasing a hen, setting the eggs, setting the eggs of theprogeny ; selling some of the fowls and buying a goat or goats and,eventually, from their increase, being able to purchase a heifer. It iswell known that a Fulani will practise great self-denial when thenecessity arises.COMPARISON BETWEEN NOMADIC AND SETTLED FULANISome of the differences between Nomadic and Settled Fulani,as seen at the present day, are significant of the gulf that lies between.them in social outlook.The Settled Fulani scorn the Nomadic types for their laxity in theirreligious outlook, and undoubtedly adhere far more strictly to thetenets of Islam : whereas they keep their wives in seclusion — themodified purdah of the common people of these areas — the Nomadictribes have no purdah. The Settled Fulani has his marriage legalisedaccording to Muhammadan law. The nomads have a procedure whichentirely dispenses with any legal form, and there is a system of informaldivorce and remarriage with no period of ‘ iddat ’ before a woman maybe remarried. (Frequently a married woman will meet by arrangement another Fulani who will take her to his home and, paying thebride price, marry her without further ceremony.)The Nomadic tribes say that the Settled Fulani marry without soundorder or sense and without selection ; hold them in contempt formarrying non-Fulani, scorning them for tainting the blood.While the Settled Fulani look on the nomads as ‘ pagan ’, the nomadslook on them as ‘degenerates*.They do not seek each other in marriage or, if so, such is still unusual,exceptions being such instances as when, for example, on account ofnot begetting progeny, a nomad is advised to marry a woman of a tribeof Settled Fulani.Again, the Settled Fulani may scoff at the Nomadic for livingunder hard conditions — “ too mean to part with a beast in orderto live well ” — getting little out of life, exposed to all weathersand growing old quickly in looking after their livestock ; while theNomadic say the Settled Fulani are poverty-stricken, and accusethem of selling their stock in order to satisfy their desires, luxuriesin food, fine clothing and the like.HFulani whose main interest is in cattle-rearing often say that theirchief reason for not building themselves better houses, such as claybuilt, thatched huts, in place of rough shelters constructed of leafage,grass, cornstalks, bamboo branches, and the like, where circumstancesmay well permit of such— for instance, where they have a permanentcentre—is that this would tend to make them lazy and neglect theircattle, especially at night and early morning.The great majority of typical Nomadic Fulani do not farm except,as a rule, through poverty of cattle ; or prefer, if cash is available, tohire others to do the work. In saying; “ I have never used a hoeand, God willing, I never shall” , the speaker indicates that it wouldonly be through misfortune and loss of his cattle that the necessity tofarm would arise. Further, of course, to one not brought up to it,hoeing, never a light task, is heavy work.This would not refer to such as a number of the Jafun tribes whofarm an area, usually near a ‘ habe * (i.e. non-Fulani) village, storetheir crops at the village, and then proceed with their cattle to the dryseason grazing areas. One would more properly class these sectionsas semi-nomadic.It is common to find Nomadic Fulani living in contiguity with pagantribes : it is convenient to the Fulani to live near pagans, and, in manyareas, a pagan hamlet in cattle-grazing country will not be in existencefor two years but a Fulani makes his encampment close to it.From the pagans the Fulani family will obtain food and othercommodities at cheap rates : milk can be easily exchanged for cornet cetera, and the Fulani do not, therefore, have to sell a beast fromtime to time, as would probably be the case in ‘Hausa’ country, whereit would be necessary to have cash available to supplement that realizedby the sale of dairy produce, in order to buy foods.At harvest time is the advantage of stubble grazing on the pagans*farms. (In some cases, but relatively few, manuring is valuable to thepagans.) A more subtle reason is that often the guileless, good-naturedpagan leads himself into being made useful, even to the extent ofbringing together a band of workers to help his “ Fulani friend, whois badly off for man-power, to get some little farming done ” .They do not intermarry, neither side desiring the other in marriage.CULTURELiteracy is practically non-existent among the Nomadic Fulani :there are few educated persons able to read and write Arabic, much lessthose learned in Muhammadan doctrine, among them ; nor do they puttheir sons to the schools. In one large area popular to these Fulani —numbering hundreds — I know of none who is literate among thetribes represented locally, though there are two members of theBa’en tribe, neither of whom are in the area, who are learned scholars.The lack of learning among them is accounted for, by them, by their15being fully occupied with their cattle — as is said ; “ A man of propertyhas no time to spare.” It would be possible, having lost his cattle, orhanded them over to the care of others, for a man to dwell in a townand within a short time become a ‘ modibbo ’ (man of letters), havingno other work with which he must occupy himself, and thus applyinghimself wholeheartedly to scholarship. It is obvious and, indeed,agreed by all, that the nomads are quick learners and intelligentsubjects.The Nomadic Fulani are undoubtedly, as a whole, lax in theirattitude to religion. I have read, and heard the statement made, thatthey are pagans ; but personally I do not know of a camp in which theorthodox Muhammadan devotions are entirely disregarded, while it isusual to find that a number of persons of each camp are in possessionof a rosary.They may be, and in many cases indubitably are, very wayward,frequently breaking the laws of ‘ haram ’ (utterly forbidden). Theirmarriage customs are commented on elsewhere. Moreover theirsuperstitions, belief in omens, rites and practices proceeding fromsuperstitious belief, are often marked to a degree.Many of the younger members appear especially lax, and some of theelder never abandon their lax ways ; though others, as they advance inyears, pay more attention to religion. It is not uncommon to find, in ayounger man at least, when required to take oath upon the Koran, thatit is necessary to enquire further as to his knowledge of the set dailydevotions for, though he says he does perform them, it is often foundthat his is only a very superficial knowledge, and he is not fit to take theoath in that manner.While the strictly orthodox may contemptuously dismiss them as‘ pagans’, enquiry would reveal them to be ignorant Muhammadans ;at the lowest, nominal Muhammadans.There is a ‘ Fulani code’, ‘ Pulaku ’ (the word has other meanings),which is common to all Fulani, though variously interpreted accordingto public opinion of the various communities. Pulaku dealswith morais and manners which regulate the conduct of a Fulani in hisdealings with others of his race and people of other races ; the properbehaviour as between young people and elders ; customs and principles.While public opinion usually guides the enforcement of this moral code,hearings, decisions, and penalties for breaches, may rest in the hands ofelders.Out of respect for them, Fulani do not use the names of certainrelatives when speaking of them. Most usually such include the nameof one’s husband, the father of one’s wife or of one’s husband, and themother of one’s wife or husband, sometimes of one’s father.A person with the same name as one’s father may be addressed as ;“ My father’s namesake”, in order to avoid mentioning the name.The Nomadic Fulani appear to carry the custom further than othertypes, and may include the seniors of the community ; the friends, beingcontemporaries, of their father ; the maternal uncle.16Some do not speak the name of the local ruler (common also to theHausa), nor of their own chief or ‘ ardo \A period of some forty years of peaceful conditions, following theestablishment of British administration, has naturally had some effect onthe Nomadic Fulani, with changed conditions everywhere about them.Prior to this era, few of them spent any time in the villages — it wasnot safe for them to do so, as they might be held to ransom to be paid incattle by their relatives. Nowadays it is common to find that aconsiderable proportion of the elders, and others who do not graze thecattle, spend much of the time in nearby villages, returning to the campat evening. There is today less necessity to guard flocks and herdsclosely.There is also a tendency in some quarters to a breakdown of some ofthe old customs, such as the traditional custom of inheritance givingway to the distribution of the estate according to Muhammadan law ;marriage customs, and the like.It is regrettable to find, during this period, that at least one instanceof the lack of the stricter morals of other days has, in some families,brought retribution. Women visiting the towns to sell dairy producein past days would scorn to accept the advances of a townsman, whereasin these days some are not averse to acceding, with the result that anumber of half-Fulani progeny are born into the families : considerabletrouble is now often experienced by the older Fulani, where this hasoccurred, to get them to take an interest in the cattle : older mendeplore the fact that they cannot get youths to remain at the camp ; therecalcitrant youths behave to their elders as no true-born Fulani sonwould to his parent.In pagan areas where brewing and fermenting of alcoholic drinks isnot restricted, a deal of drinking is indulged in by a number of the men :this is true of some sections which have left the more strictly Muhammadan areas in comparatively recent times, and who used not to drink.Even so, a laxity in certain directions, and a tendency towards easierliving, does not appear to be general, and has hardly affected the customsof large numbers of them : the old customs still hold : residence in, andmigration to, the less thickly populated areas among unsophisticatedpeoples, and age-old traditions that have stood the test of time andvarying conditions, would appear to be factors in ensuring theircontinuance.DISCIPLINE AND LEADERSHIPFulani used to have their own method of dealing with criminaloffenders among themselves, such matters being in the hands of acouncil of elders called together for the purpose. Except in the case ofslaves, no imprisonment took place, since it is supposed in the case ofFulani that, if imprisoned, their fortune is dissipated for ever. NorWould the offender be driven away, such being shameful to the particularcommunity to which he belonged. The method was to take some ofhis livestock. A bull might be taken and slaughtered and the whole173community partake of the m eat: or stock sold and the proceedsdistributed among them. In the case of manslaughter, compensationfor the relatives of the dead person (diyya), also, was exacted, and todouble, or more than double, the amount of that imposed by a court.Perhaps, from a herd of 100 head of cattle, twenty or thirty head wouldbe taken, some twenty or so for the relatives, and the remainder for thecollected elders for their trouble, especially onerous in such cases, inpersuading the injured parties to forgive, and avoiding what mightwell become a 4 blood-feud \It is thought that these Fulani ‘ courts ’ persisted up to some twentyyears ago.Where a young man takes to extravagant ways, enjoying the pleasuresof the towns, fine clothes and the like, to the extent that he makesinroads in the herd, cattle being sold to raise cash, he is not infrequentlyexpelled from the home by his father or elders, or, otherwise, leaveshome after having been reprimanded, preferring to wander abroad.As to leadership, naturally the Nomadic Fulani have their ownleaders and spokesmen.Usually the more important chiefs remain about one place, generallyin the vicinity of a town, for a number of years, with only a smallfollowing of near relations, and a few cattle : they do not move aboutwith the larger numbers of cattle ; the members of the clan grazing theherds elsewhere, and not settling by their chief. If he possesses anumber of cattle, beyond those kept nearby him, he may see them atthe times at which the seasonal grazing brings them into the vicinity,or perhaps not for a few years. Frequently such a chief ownscomparatively few cattle.It is usual to find that a man who has successfully kept togethera large herd, and is considered to have good fortune, has a following ;having with him his sons and their families ; his younger brothers andhis nephews, and their children. Such a man may assume or acquirea title, and a title is inherited by a son or brother.A chief (for example, 4 ardo ’, = leader) has little or no authoritybeyond his closer relatives. The clan will, of itself, collect round agood ‘ ardo ’— he has not the authority to collect it ; but will dispersefrom an unpopular one.A successful man, having collected a considerable following, wouldassume a title in an area other than that wherein the senior chiefremains : should he visit the area in which the chief dwells, eventhough this chief should be poor in cattle, he would still acknowledgehim as his superior in chiefship, and profess his own allegiance, andwould, if in the vicinity, pay him a courtesy visit. If he had dealingswith the local ruler, such would be done through the medium of, orin company with, this resident ‘ ardo ’ or chief. Thus, at a givertime in a certain area or emirate, some clans will be found to have ncchief, while some have more than one. Members of a section of onttribe with no local leader or 'ard o ’, having become separated bj184distance from any chief of their own, sometimes attach themselvesto some other tribe or section of a tribe, with whom they are or havebeen in some way associated, such as tie of locality of origin, who havea leader or chief who is in contact with the ruler of the area in whichthey are grazing, or in an adjacent area.CONTROL OF HERDSA typical ‘ Cow ’ Fulani knows his cattle individually : while he maynot know exactly how many he has, he does know if one is missing,and which individual animal this is, and will avoid no exertions insearching for it until discovered. There are names for an almostinfinite number of combinations of hair colours, and by these namesthe cattle are known : the individual animal is often spoken to by thatname and, when a Fulani is moving his cattle, many of the cries, whichappear to the uninitiated to be nothing more than vague noises madeto the herd, are, in reality, calls to individual animals.Further, it is to be remarked that these Fulani are able to identifythe animal of a neighbour’s herd, even though not of the same campor clan, and, from its characteristics, to name the line on the femaleside, in that herd, from which it has been bred ; so that, if butchersare seen to be leading a beast to the town, the remark ; “ That is fromso-and-so’s herd ” , is a commonplace.The ease with which the majority control their cattle — often nonetoo tame — is often commented on, small boys being quite capable ofcontrolling a considerable herd out to graze.Sometimes control is so good that, should the herdsman desire tokeep the wherebouts of the cattle secret, one may pass close by a herdin bush without hearing a sound or knowing that there is a herd withinmiles, the cattle having remained quite still, being trained to follow theherdsman, and when he stops, as if to listen for pursuers, to remaintogether, silent, and also listening for any sound from that direction.I have watched cattle at a camp walk quietly, one by one, into bushwhen the owner, not wishing me to inspect them closely, spoke to themin undertones — in the intervals explaining to me how he could notkeep the herd together. On another occasion, I have heard the lighttapping of a staff on a tree send the cattle helter-skelter to the sleepingplace, at a distance, where they all faced about in the direction of ourapproach : here they could be inspected at will and remain perfectlyquiet, whereas in bush they would have scattered ; some herds beingso trained — a device dating from the old days, but still found veryconvenient on certain occasions.It is not uncommon to see a whole herd follow the leadership of theherdsman at a quick run. Swimming cattle over broad rivers, thecattle following the herdsman, is a specialised a r t: where cattle are notused to it, it is hard work getting them to enter the deep w ater; forseveral days the cattle may break back and have to be collected forthe morrow’s attem pt: finally, on occasions, some other known crossingmay have to be tried, all attempts having failed : extra precautions,with canoe-men in attendance, are commonly taken.19MOVEMENT OF CATTLEThese ‘ Cow * Fulani take a pride in their cattle, and take care ofthem : great is the scorn expressed when tick-ridden animals are seenin another’s herd — an obvious sign of lack of attention.Pack-oxen, whose early training is confined to carrying the picketingropes or other light bundles, are commonly used for transport, thoughdonkeys may be used to carry young children and the aged. Someof the larger oxen are a fine sight, carrying the bamboo branches‘ kewe ’ (which constitute the portable shelters of a number of nomads) ;the household and milking utensils, calabashes, corn-mortars and thelike ; while it sometimes takes a second look to find some young childrenperched securely among these articles, almost as young birds in a nest.A number of — or at the least a few — sheep are more frequentlykept than n o t: they can be disposed of when the smaller needs for readycash arise, obviating the necessity to sell from the herd. Cattle maybe sold at any time ; as needs for clothing arise ; on occasionsof the arrival and entertainment of visitors; for celebrationsand other expenses after childbirth, etc. ; to meet cattle-tax; orto buy food if this is short on account of the amount of dairyproduce for disposal being small. The average Fulani does nottrust himself to keep intact any considerable amount of money for anylength of time.Before moving their herds from one area to another, or when on themove, nomads are careful to make extensive enquiries as to the stateof the area into which they propose moving, gathering all the newsthey can, especially as regards cattle diseases or absence of disease,and sending members out well in advance for this purpose.The same holds good, in my experience, in the case of cattle inoculationcamps, when a scout is sent on to enquire regarding all conditions :this scout is probably never known to the Veterinary staff; but evenif he is known, it will not be any propaganda by the staff which willdecide him whether to recommend his people to bring their cattle orn o t: they will go on his report of what he has gathered from Fulaniand what he has seen with his own eyes. More than once, on noticinga stranger, I have told him to look round his friends’ inoculated cattleand see how they have fared ; receiving the reply ; “ I have alreadydone that.”Although, with the freer movement of all types of cattle-ownersince the British occupation, avoidance of contagious diseases is lesseasy (a disgruntled old Fulani once said to me ; “ I never saw all thesedifferent diseases until after the ‘ white men ’ came : my cattle were allright until everything was changed by them ”), these Fulani are successful, often over a long period of years, in keeping their herds free fromthem. Their calculations are sometimes upset by the presence ofRinderpest in wild ruminants and pig. I recollect a case of this a fewyears ago, when a member of the Bagananko’en, with his extensivefamily, brought a total of some 1,600 head of strong and very wild20cattle to our Talata Mafara (Sokoto Province) camp. In conversationwith one of the sons, aged about 24 or 25, I found that he had neverpreviously seen Rinderpest in their herds : but that some cattle hadrecently become infected through contact with bush animals, and thewhole party, which had been more or less together, had decided to comein for anti-Rinderpest inoculation at once : happily they lost very fewcattle. I know, at the present time, of parties of families with largenumbers of cattle — in two cases they number well over a thousandhead — in a comparatively small, but somewhat isolated area, whichhave for many years not experienced Rinderpest, nor have they everbrought their cattle for inoculation. I (and they as well) know of otherparties which have within recent years lost up to, and over, 90 per centof cattle from a natural outbreak of Rinderpest; yet they appear toprefer to take their chance rather than risk some mortality followinginoculation, and bringing their herds out of their isolation into closecontact with the herds of other owners.Some of the older men have a surprising knowledge, extending overa vast area, of details of the reputation of grazing areas both good andbad : and take great care to avoid those where ‘ hendu ’ or ‘ ladde ’has been known to cause a mortality, even though it were twenty ormore years ago : since ‘ hendu ’ would include such spore-formingdiseases as Anthrax, their attitude would appear to be well-founded.It would seem that, following the death of such older men, knowledgeof this kind is allowed, in some cases, to die with them, or cautionsare ignored by their successors. As a case in point, some condition of,or at the time of, the ‘ black-waters ’ of the mid-December — mid-MarchNiger floods, is known to have seriously affected herds, and caused agreat mortality in certain years, though not recently : the people whohave grazed in these areas in the southern part of Sokoto Province foryears, withdraw their cattle from about the river until these floods arepassed : but some nomads who have recently arrived in the area areapparently unaware of this state of things (their elders having died,they moved away from an adjacent area where they had grazed for someyears), or have not heeded warnings : locally there is much shaking ofheads over their folly, for it is not doubted that a mortality will recursooner or later.It sometimes occurs that young men — this applies more to nonnomads— sent off for the dry season grazing grounds, discover anarea of good grass which others appear to have missed, althoughadjacent areas are full of cattle ; and only discover some time later,through the appearance of, for instance, Trypanosomiasis, that therewas very good reason for the area being left ungrazed.The waters of various streams and pools are very generally consideredresponsible for a subsequent outbreak of 4 Sammore ’, which termincludes Trypanosomiasis ; and are referred to, by some, as ‘ ndiyamkewe’, that is, the water by which the bamboo Oxytenantheraabyssinica abounds— where tsetse are probably present— which wateris said by them to affect humans as well.21Cattle are considered to be 4 salted * to Trypanosomiasis in the courseof two years. However, heavy losses from this disease may occur inherds in certain years, notably following a hard dry season which hasleft cattle thin and weak. I have noticed that some owners spend aseason away from a known tsetse-infected area before coming in foranti-Rinderpest inoculation ; return to their 4 fly ’ area for two or threeseasons, and then repeat the procedure; which indicates that theyrealise that trypanosome infected cattle have little reserve of resistanceagainst an added strain.In following a policy of isolation from contagious diseases, it hasbeen the custom to break up herds and avoid having “ all one’s eggsin one basket ” by herding groups of cattle separately on differentpasturages. For similar reasons it was, and is, not usual to bring allRinderpest-susceptible cattle for inoculation at one time, though insome cases even the Nomadic Fulani now do this— apart from youngcalves ; but still with some trepidation lest some untoward happeningarise.Apart from this precaution, the various sections of Nomadic clansdo not make encampments close to each other. They do not buy incattle, except from a kinsman who may wish to realise for cash in orderto buy clothing, salt, etc., and then only a beast which they know throughhaving spent the season together with the owner. An exception isimportation of bulls from owners of certain types of cattle renownedfor their good qualities, as the 4 Jabtoji ’ type among the red longhorns ;or some similar particular circumstance ; but never from a strangeror in the m arket: the Settled Fulani often do buy thus, and perhapspurchase beasts which may have been hawked round several m arkets;in this way they frequently introduce disease into their herds.By this system, combined with that of obtaining news of outbreaksof disease, the nomads reckon they are well able to avoid those contagiousdiseases which are not endemic. In Nigeria, as a whole, their onegreat fear is an outbreak of Rinderpest, which they cannot, in the main,avoid, since they may inadvertently cross the trail of Rinderpestinfected cattle or bush animals, or water their cattle at the same place.CATTLE HUSBANDRYCalves are generally considered immune from (or at most suffera very mild attack of) Rinderpest, if their dams have had the diseaseuntil the rain of the wet season following that in which they are bornstrikes them ; which means that they are immune until they are severalmonths old, as to the majority, since most are dropped during the hotseason just prior to the rains (the time of the early tornados), andduring the early rains.According to some — the following was given by an elder of aRahaji clan — the site of an outbreak of Rinderpest or ContagiousBovine Pleuro-pneumonia is considered clear after two months : thespot where a Pleuro-pneumonia death occurred must be burned over.If during the rains, Rinderpest and Pleuro-pneumonia infected landmust not be grazed over for ten days, so that rain may clean it.22Land infected with ‘ Hendu ’— which may include Blackquarterand Anthrax— may not be grazed for two years (though others maydo so— some are said to have a charm or preventative against it).If cattle die at a wet season camp from ‘ Hendu,’ then cattle whichare put o?T the site of that camp the following wet season will die ;but a hot season outbreak does not have this ill effect. No doubtideas on the subject vary considerably.The majority of nomads, and some others, warn nearby cattle-ownersof an infection in their cattle, so that these neighbours may have theopportunity of moving their herds away, and an arrangement as toseparate pasturing and watering places is made. Non-nomads confirmthis : it is agreed that non-nomads are as likely as not to hide the factthat their cattle are infected, and frequently camp close to, or let thecarcass of a dead beast lie near, the camp of another, from sheermaliciousness, so that they shall not be the only losers. I have oftenheard of such instances. Should a ‘ stranger ’ bring cattle infectedwith disease into a ‘ preserve ’ of Nomadic Fulani, he will not, as a rule,be there long before he is set upon and driven out with the blows, of anumber of angry cattlemen.Among antidotes for various conditions, those for 4 Hendu ’ or‘Ladde’, or whatever term may be used locally for the diseaseswhich suddenly strike down cattle (with Blackwater, etc.), may moreproperly be left to the section on superstitions. Cures for manyminor disorders are made up, usually from concoctions of barks, herbsand the like. Some claim a remedy for Redwater. Many of theindividual recipes are kept a secret to the individual or to the family.Of more practical use is the vaccination against Contagious BovinePleuro-pneumonia. A piece of infected lung is left in milk for twoor three days until of a sufficient ‘sourness’. A small piece is insertedunder the skin of the nose of each beast to be treated, a cut being madeto receive it, and the piece pressed well in. Some days later the beastsare again caught and fired, an oval being described about the seatof vaccination on the nose. Other lines are made, one on eitherside of the face, later, in cases where extensive reaction threatens ;in order to encircle swellings which spread towards the neck, in anattempt to limit them.The method is frequently effective ; but is crude, and often leads toenormous swelling of the head ; extensive suppuration and sloughing ;and a number of deaths. Experts are not always available : it is notcarried out by all and sundry ; some considerable areas possess nobodywith the necessary knowledge and ability.An interesting experiment was carried out some ten years or so agoin Yauri Division : the idea being to obtain for cattle life-immunityagainst Rinderpest by exposing them to contact with cattle with aninfection which had been noticed to be so mild as to cause no mortalityin the herd in which it started. A number of Fulani took their cattle,and what appeared to be a satisfactory reaction ensued : however, somefour years afterwards, the cattle were exposed to an outbreak ofRinderpest to which many succumbed. The experiment has not beenrepeated, to my knowledge, nor have I heard of its like elsewhere.23Reduction of fractures is practised, the animal’s limb being set insplints and bound.Castration of bulls is performed usually when they are well grownand two to three years old, or older, by placing the spermatic cordsover a pestle used for pounding grain, and beating them with a clothbeater’s mallet, the operation taking some considerable time, and theanimal often taking long to recover fully from the effects of the subsequent swelling and possible other injury. With rams, the cord isbeaten with the iron rod used for pressing out cotton-seeds. It isnot all Fulani who practise castration of rams, but those who do sosay that it is preferable to operate on them when young, by openingthe scrotum and cutting the cords : to control subsequent bleeding,the scrotum is filled with a decoction of the soaked pods of ‘ gabdi ’(the tree Acacia arabica), recognized as a styptic.The powdered bark of the tree ‘ kahi ’ (Khaya senegalensis) isused on sores and wounds, and is said to be a remedy against maggots.I have watched with interest the treatment of a punctured woundin the belly of a heifer which had been badly torn by horning, themuscular belly-wall having been perforated, and the gut extrudedbut not pierced. A rag was allowed to smoulder while the beast wascarefully thrown, the exposed gut was returned to place, the preparedrag placed over the gash in the belly-wall and then smeared withhot butter to prevent pus forming : it was explained that if raw butterwere used, or if none were available, a handful of grains of corn wouldbe poured in to have the same effect. The flaps of skin were securedby making holes with an awl near the edges, and the flaps sewn togetherwith fibre.The heifer made a quick recovery. It was obvious that this was notthe first case which the operator had dealt with.Bulls are not infrequently introduced from herds of certain clanswhich are celebrated for the good quality and purity of type of theircattle ; as, for example, the fine red ‘ Jabtoji ’ type with pure white horn.If an owner’s cattle number twenty or over, he should possess his ownstock-bull. The service of a bull is allowed free and in neighbourlygoodwill to a small owner, except to a man who has as many cattle aswarrant the possession of a stock-bull of his own, or has as many cattleas his neighbours, and has refused to acquire one.In a large herd, however many bulls there be, the younger ones willnot be able to serve cows and heifers, for fear of the ‘ master ’ bull,except in stolen cases ; all the adult cattle being herded together.If thought necessary to rest the stock-bull from overserving, etc., this‘ master ’ bull is tied up, and the next in size and strength takes hisplace. Commencing to serve as a three-year-old, a bull is dispensedwith at seven years old, having sired three years’ crops of calves ; so thathe may not mate with his own progeny, the first of which are nowcoming to service.24Under reasonably good grazing conditions, heifers will take the bullat three years old, and so calve before the age of four : instances of earliercalving, under favourable conditions, are not rare ; but under hardconditions, heifers will not calve until considerably later.Cows of certain strains in the herd, mainly in cattle of Settled Fulani,under good grazing conditions, will calve regularly each year ; underhard conditions, cows not infrequently go up to two years betweencalvings, especially among the red longhorn type, which requiresextensive range if the cattle are to do well.Among cattle kept alongside the large rivers and on their islands(for example, the Niger), and in marshes where there is a good supplyof lush grass for the greater part of the year, early maturity is obtained :but the cows soon go off, and are finished with when still relativelyyoung, as a rule ; liver-flukes and other parasites taking their toll.Such cattle may spend much of their grazing time standing in water.Cattle of certain types kept in arid areas, which are frequently wateredfrom wells only, once daily, at about midday, if introduced temporarilyinto river areas, are still kept to the uplands grazing of dry grasses, butare taken down to water twice daily, at about 11 a.m. and mid-afternoon(zura), the usual times for watering cattle where water is plentiful.Endeavours are made to adapt cattle to a new environment by crossbreeding. As an example, some Fulani who arrived on the Niger inYauri Emirate, some thirty years ago, with the upland White Kano (orYakanaji) type, decided to spend the greater part of the year grazing themarshes, and purchased red bulls of the local breed of the marshland :they have obtained quick maturity, and cattle multiply at a quick rate ;but are, however, of a nondescript type, mainly of broken colours, towhich the name 4 Gambaraji ’ has been given, and are poor milkers.Other Fulani who arrived with them, and have retained the ‘ Yakanaji ’type fairly pure, spend less time in the marshes, withdrawing at theearly rains, and have the better type of cattle, and better milkers ; butdo not get the quick increase.Another small party which I noticed a few years ago were ‘ adapting ’their cattle to conditions on the Niger, West of Nigeria, in Dahomey ;purchasing red bulls for mating with their ‘ Yakanaji ’ cows : at the sametime they were trying to introduce a characteristic of the red longhorntype— that of following the herdsman when on trek, whereas their owncattle have to be urged on from behind. Since most of them are nowback within the western borders of Nigeria, they do not appear to havehad much success in attaining the former object. I have not been ableto observe as to the latter.Salt-licks, for which certain areas are noted, are valued ; whileprepared native salts are extensively used for cattle, chiefly the whitenatron (kamva ndaneha). Some types, salts such as ‘ mangul ’ (mandabaleha) — given as a lick or in water where no ‘ kanwa ’ is available ; and‘ Foga ’ (included in the red type, manda mbodeha); are given verysparingly, as they are known to be harmful otherwise. Also used is the25s‘\ t ^alma ’ (of the red type, manda mbodeha), if there is no ‘ kanwandtaneha ’ available. Common togged salt of European make has beenUsed to a considerable extent. The natrons and salts are used mostextensively from before the middle of the rains until harvest time, and,nowadays, after anti-Rinderpest inoculation.Marking of cattle, when they are calves, is done by making a slit in*he ear> ^ cutting a section out, or by cutting a hole through it with anue ( jelgol): branding with a hot-iron is used by some (jelgol chumal).firing, or marking the skin with a hot-iron, is used extensively ;in circles to limit sites of inflammation, swellings, etc., or in lines orpatterns as a remedy against various conditions, such as StreptothricosisApart from the major cattle diseases, a large number of minorsicknesses are recognised, and remedies applied : the names of thesesicknesses vary somewhat according to district or tribe.De-ticking is recognized as a very necessary measure : a precautionagainst tick-borne diseases.•Where a herdsman is employed, he is provided with clothing andsandals, mod and drink : having completed twelve months grazing, heis entitled to a one-year-old bull for grazing up to thirty head (an ownerwho is well pleased might give a two-year-old) : a one-year-old heifer forheraing rrom thirty to sixty head : if he is able to look after up to 100head without their proving too much for him, a three-year-old heiferGrazing of the cattle may be undertaken in rotation, over a period ofseven days, by Settled Fulani, when herds of, say, three small ownersmay be united and grazed by one herdsman, enabling the others toengage in other work, such as cultivation.Calves do not go out with the herd ; but spend the day in the vicinityof the camp. By the bigger owners they are not considered as part ofthe herd until old enough to go out grazing with the older cattle, sincethey are, as yet, too young to be reckoned as being of any practical value.The cattle resting-place is situated West of the shelters or huts, thedoorways to which normally face West. But if a farm is to be manuredlound about the camp or dwelling-place, the cattle are moved round atintervals to accomplish this.Cattle-fouled areas are avoided when selecting a site for a camp,except that land under cultivation may carry cattle year after year for aperiod sufficient to manure it, when subsequent cultivation againfreshens the area for cattle.A smudge-fire is lighted for the returning cattle, in the evening, attheir resting-place — the ‘ hoggo ’ or ‘walde’, the twigs of the shrubGuiera senegalensis (geloki) being used as a rule for this purpose,mainly to drive off and keep away flies, which otherwise torment thecattle (though it is said that certain other twigs have other virtues whenburned). A fire is very usually kept up all night, partly as a protectionagainst wild beasts, for which a watch is kept — at least with half an eye.26At morning and evening, each calf is allowed to suck a little from itsdam, after which the calf is tied to the tethering rope and the dammilked : having ‘ let down ’ her milk for the calf, the milking is noweasier, but if she is a ‘ difficult milker ’ the calf may be tied close to her,or to her foreleg. After milking, the calf is allowed to suck again, thusobtaining the richest milk, until the dam is milked out.Nomadic Fulani, particularly, like to see a calf in good condition andgetting sufficient milk ; but it is said that a good state of health in thedam is of more importance than the obtaining of a great quantity ofmilk by the progeny, in the rearing of a good calf.To stop calves sucking the dams when they get opportunity duringthe day, which may happen in some herds, urine or dung is sometimesrubbed onto the cows’ teats, but is washed off before milking time. Amuzzle with projecting long thorns is put on a calf to prevent the damallowing it to suck her when the calf has reached the weaning stage andthe cow has not dried off: naturally many calves are weaned throughthe cow drying off. Sometimes a calf is allowed to continue to suckuntil it is so large as to have to kneel in order to do so.When a young calf dies, bran is given to the dam, as an inducement,so that she may continue to be hand-milked : if she is intractable, someFulani flay the dead calf and dry the skin, which is put near the cow — sothat she may smell it — when it is desired to milk her.ECONOMIC PRODUCTS — DAIRYINGAmong the Nomadic Fulani, the women do the milking ; but amongmany sections of the Settled Fulani, the men do all the milking — forexample, in ‘ Barno Nguddiri ’ (Hadejia, Katagum, Misau and Jama’ari).The dairy work is in the hands of the women : they sour the milk,prepare milk and butter for market, and take these products to the townor village, sometimes from a considerable distance.After milking, the milk is set aside for souring, which occurs naturallyin hot weather, but in cool weather is assisted by first swilling thecalabashes used for the souring process with a little of the previous day’ssour butter-milk (njonkadam or pendidam) put by for the purpose(often then called njuggam). This sours it quickly — otherwise, exceptin hot weather, milk may not sour satisfactorily until after twenty-fourhours. Certain plants may be used to sour milk, for example, ‘ dalli ’(Phoenix Reclinata ?).When curdled, the milk is known as ‘ danidam ’ or ‘nyallunde’.This ‘ danidam,’ the cream not having been removed, may be used forwhisking and mixing with other foods (it is then known as mburwadam— from the verb wurwa, to whisk), or it may be kept to churn ; aspecially prepared large gourd, with a small calabash cap or cover, beingthe usual churn, which is rocked to and fro on the ground.It is a common practice, where undiscerning buyers of milk may beimposed upon, to remove cream (for butter production) before the milkis fully curdled ; after which another layer of cream will form, which isleft on the milk, giving it the appearance of whole-cream milk, and which27\he undiscriminating purchaser may think composes the normalconsistency of whole sour milk ; the Fulani thus getting the benefit oft e extra cream for butter production by selling the milk with hardlyany cream in it. JButter may be made by churning the whole of the sour milk (danidam),as above, or by churning cream removed from the ‘danidam’.from Kano, Katsina, Zaria and to the eastward, the whole milk(aanidam) is churned. When churning is completed, the butter istaken out, leaving sour butter-milk — known as ‘ njonkadam’, which isturned out into a calabash : some then add a quantity of water beforetaking it to market, in order to make more of it.I he butter is formed into balls and put into some of this milk, inwhich it floats, to keep it from softening or melting, and taken for sale.In Sokoto Province, down to the Niger River, people will not buytms sour butter-milk (njonkadam) as they mistrust that water has been added to it before sale.A form of fraud practised when butter is made in the above manner(that is, frorn whole sour milk) is to continue to churn, after the butterhas broken ’ or formed, until the grains of butter collect into looselyknit clusters or lumps, which are then made up into loose balls — thelumps do not coalesce — and immersed in the butter-milk, some of whichthe balls take up and, when they have remained for some time in themilk, they have the appearance of being solid butter, but actuallycontain a quantity of butter-milk. This, known as ‘belbel’, is a white butter.Such fraud appears to be fairly successful when selling to those whodo not know on sight what good butter should be; but the seller’sreputation is likely to become known and, if the market is full of butter,she will have but a slow sale until the supply of good butter is exhausted!An excuse made is th a t; “ The youngsters overchurned it.”In Sokoto Province where, as has been mentioned, there is no sale forsour butter-milk, it is the custom to make butter from cream taken offthe soured milk ‘ danidam ’, which cream may then be churned orshaken in a bottle-gourd, or beaten up with a whisk in a calabash, eitherdaily or, where there are few milking-cows, every second or third day,when the product of two or three days’ milk is mixed.The skimmed sour milk (gulutche) is whisked and drunk with foods(being somewhat like the sour butter-milk ‘njonkadam’ which it hasbeen noted the people of the area will not buy for fear it has beenwatered).Unknown to the many, a form of fraud is practised on them by addingwater to this ‘gulutche’. A little of the ‘gulutche’ is taken andwhisked, and a considerable quantity of water added to it, when it isagain whisked to an even consistency. The remainder of the goodgulutche ’ is divided into two portions, one part being put in the28bottom of the marketing calabash, the treated (watered) portionfollowing, and then the other part of the good ‘ gulutche ’ put on top.Before arrival at the market, it has become well mixed and, should apurchaser remark on the fact that it has become thin or watery, theFulani explains that it is owing to the distance she has had to walk.A fraud practised with the butter made in the above manner is, afterchurning and taking out the good butter produced, to take enough toform a pat or ball, flatten it out and place some sour milk ‘ danidam 5in the centre, and fold it so that the sour milk forms a core to the ball(which may then be put in milk contained in a spoon or small calabash,in which it is rolled with a rotary movement to remove any excessivemarks of tampering): and so on until all the pats are filled. This is abutter of a good yellow appearance which, after washing and clarifyingby the purchaser, become very reduced in quantity.Butter made from cream alone is not taken to market in the buttermilk ; but, in hot weather only, in order to keep it firm, is placed in acalabash floated in a larger one containing milk for sale or water.Butter made from cream collected over a period of two or three days,where butter production is on a small scale ; or that made daily andbrought in only on a market-day, owing to distance ; may have a souror rancid taste, or smell, depending on the amount of milk remainingin i t ; but since it is clarified by the purchaser as a rule, it is readilybought.Good fresh butter of a rich yellow colour may be bought, and needsonly washing, and salting to taste, to be very palatable for the table ofEuropeans.It appears to be an exception for the Nomadic Fulani to adulteratebutter.Other forms of adulteration of sour butter-milk (njonkadam orpendidam) include such as increasing the viscosity and acidity, and thusallowing of the addition of water, by the use of the pulp from the fruitsof the baobab (njulandi) or the root of Vitis pallida (gubuwol).The former method is used where milk is scarce in an area and thepeople have no choice but to buy what is on offer, and if accusation ofsuch adulteration is made, it is admitted by the sellers ; “ So as to makethe milk go further. ” The latter method is used in order to give thesour butter-milk the appearance and consistency of whole-cream sourmilk (mburwadam), with full intent to deceive purchasers: it will go badovernight. There are other modes of adulterating butter.It used to be the general custom to wash butter as part of its preparation for m arket: nowadays, while some wash it before making it up intopats or balls, a great many more do not.While the majority of Fulani make butter from well soured milk,many of the Nomadic Fulani make it from milk which has not completelysoured ; the churning of such milk producing a large proportion ofbutter of good quality, though rather lacking in flavour ; but yielding ahigh percentage of butter-fat when melted and all water has beepevaporated.29When on the move, and there is no time for further preparation,nomads put the fresh milk into stoppered bottle-gourds and place theseamong the loads of the pack-oxen where, being shaken by the movementsof the animals, on arrival at their destination the butter will have‘ broken ’ ; but the butter-milk, only half soured, is not palatable.Where cash is obtained for the dairy products, it belongs to thewoman; the cattle-owner has no title to it. Cash from the sales isexpended in buying food for the household, chiefly corn (as noted,dairy products are often bartered for farm produce): in the purchase ofclothes for the woman herself: in clothing for the young childrenincluding some of the younger herding boys. If the woman sees herway to so doing, she may also clothe some of the older herding boys.Other expenditure is incurred on festive occasions or social gatherings.It is rarely used to help the cattle-owner out in cattle-tax payment,though this might be done as an act of grace by a wife who has had(several) children by her husband. Otherwise, on a later occasion of atiff, a woman may make it a cause of scornful reproach that her husbandcould not of himself pay the tax in full.More probably, the husband will have to pay the tax on any cattlewhich may be owned by his wife. The husband does not know theamount of money obtained by his wife, the amounts expended, or theamount she may put by. When dairy produce is short, he may have tosell from the herd in order to tide over the period.By custom, a husband informs his wife when he intends to sell orbuy stock, obtaining her views. To be morally valid, such sale orpurchase should have her approval.Most Settled Fulani women and girls are able to, and do, spin andprepare the cotton thread for weaving, to the benefit of their householdeconomy.It used to be a general custom, still largely followed in ‘East Hausa’,though I have not seen it in the Western Emirates, of non-Fulani(habe) women to have stalls in the villages from which they retailedthe milk ‘ danidam ’ (but not the butter-milk ‘ njonkadam ’ or thebutter).1 his ‘ danidam ’ was brought in by Fulani girls and young women ;when the produce had been sold, the cash and the calabash of eachindividual was handed back to her to take home. At the end of a week,the older women would come in and give the milk-dealer a present forher services.Otherwise the Fulani women and girls retail the produce themselves.SEASONAL GRAZINGWhen cattle were on the move at about harvest time in the more orless trackless areas of bush, it was usual to break off branches at intervalsand leave them lying in the track, or knot together the heads of tallergrasses, to indicate the line of trek taken by the cattle, so that those whohad been in the town might easily follow to the new camping ground.30Soon after the commencement of the rains, the Fulani leave the dryseason grazing grounds and, following the spring of new grass, movetowards their wet season quarters, away from the marshlands to theuplands — usually in a northerly direction. They will endeavour toreach the selected area before the advent of cattle-tax on July 1st,though many will not have settled down by that time.At the wet season camp (dumirde), a zareba or kraal of tree branches,within which the cattle spend the night, is constructed, with an extensionat one — the East — end where the herdsmen or owners and familiesshelter, with a bar-way between it and the cattle enlcosure ; and afurther bar-way at the far end of the zareba through which the cattlepass to and from grazing. It is not usual for the Nomadic Fulani tomake zarebas at other seasons of the year. Some Settled Fulani putthe cattle in a zareba throughout the hot season. Some types such asthe ‘ Wodabe 9shelter at all seasons under the protection of trees, theircoverings for themselves and loads being skins ; shelters of other typesbeing dispensed with. While the menfolk construct the wet seasoncamps, the women usually set up the temporary shelters used at otherseasons.Some hobble their cattle two and two at night all the year round :some do not hobble their cattle. The hobbles are sometimes shown asrepresenting the number of adult cattle for tax counting.The calves are secured to the calf-tethering line after having had theirallowance of milk from the dam.The wet season camp is not broken until the harvest season after theend of the rains — though this does not mean that bodies of cattle arenot moved about for various purposes during the rains. Cattle thengo at once into the guinea-corn farms, as soon as the crop is harvested,for the ‘ stubble-grazing ’ (nyaile), the dry leafage and smaller shootsof the corn being highly prized by the Fulani : in fact, with each Fulanitrying to get in before the other, the farmer has, at times, difficulty inkeeping cattle off until the crop is safe.The cattle are now at the commencement of their move towards thedry season grazing grounds : at this period the movement takes place byslow stages, the object being to take advantage of as much guinea-corn‘ stubble-grazing ’ as possible before passing on. Many Fulani makefor areas of extensive farming with this object in view.The grasses of the upland areas will by now be ripening and dryingoff, or quite dry, and in many areas will consist to a large extent of tallstems, of great value for many purposes, but of little use to the cattleowners.In many areas, grass burning by iiunters and others has nowcommenced. The ‘ C ow ’ Fulani do little in the way of burninggrasses : should a man arrive in an area of dense grasses more than headhigh, among which cattle have not previously made tracks and troddendown, he will burn in order that the herd shall not divide up and thecattle get lost. It is not unusual, when spending some time in one place,to burn an area close to the camp in order that the calves — which donot go out grazing with the herd — may have the benefit of nibbling atthe resultant light crop of fresh young grass that springs up.31By the time that the hot season of the year has arrived, most owners —this does not include those nomads who are continually on the move —will have chosen their grazing area for that period and will probablyremain there until after the first rains — chiefly about lakes, streams andrivers, where grass will be most abundant. The dry season camp(sedirde) is often made, where such a site is available, on a sandbank inor by a river, clean and reasonably free from flies.At the hottest period, just before the rains commence, grass and waterare often very short and, especially if the dry season be very hard andprolonged, some cattle may die, and more may be lost after heavy rainhas fallen but the spring of young grass still remains scanty. Many herdsare in very lean condition, although, under favoured circumstances,a number of owners appear to be remarkably successful in keeping upthe condition of their cattle. The types of grasses found on the heavylands which are flooded in the wet season yield an early, but ratherscanty growth of green herbage in this hottest season, especially wherethe old grasses have been fired. The practice of some (Settled Fulani)to burn the dry grasses of such areas is attributed by others to muddledthinking, since, as nature’s time for it has not yet arrived, though theyoung grasses do come through, they will not continue to grow, and mayeven be withered up, and so set back, on account of being brought onbefore their time : such grass burning originated among those whograze their cattle in river valleys and flats of heavy lands, who burn theareas round about them to obtain this scanty growth.At the early rains, when flies become a greater nuisance, grass round-about the camp, or where the cattle are grazing, is often fired so that itcontinues to smoulder, being damp or partly green, and give off asmoke which keeps the flies away : at this period, too, cattle have to bemoved away from certain marsh areas on account of the prevalence offlies.When the rains have set in, there is a surplus of grass, and the cattleare considered to be soft in condition, although replete.In general, the shorter grasses are preferred, most especially the shortgrasses of hard clay soils and marsh areas.Following the early rains, cattle feed on the plentiful spring of younggrasses (daye) until, when the bulrush-millet is nearly ripe and theground is full of w^ater, they have gradually gone onto the grass ‘ garlabal ’(Fulani), ‘ karairayau ’, ‘ karan kabau etc. (Hausa), Andropogon(Arthrolepis), which has been growing fast during this tim e; and continueon this until the time of guniea-corn harvest. Cattle prefer this grass tothe others, which they eat only if ‘ garlabal ’ is not available. It is notdried off by weather conditions until the coming of the dry, parching, hotwind at that short inter-seasonal period (sollungo) when the guineacorn is ripe, just before the approach of the cold dry season. Thecattle then go onto the farm stubbles, eating the dry leaves (mbafu) ofthe guinea-corn, the remains of bean haulm and the like, with wdiat*morsollo ’ (F), ‘ harkiya ’ (H), Digitaria debilis ; ‘ saraji ’ (F), * burbuw a ’ or ‘ furei ’ (H.), Eragrotis tremula ; ‘ bulude ’ (F), ‘ kamsuwa *32(H.), Pennisetum pedicellatum and P. setosum, remain on the farms.Later, when the abundance of farm stubble is reduced, the smallerstalks and the softer parts of the larger guinea-corn stalks themselveswill be eaten. The peiod spent on the farms is prolonged as long as itis useful, when cattle then go into bush and eat any type of the driedgrass which is palatable to them : the now dry but soft ‘ garlabal ’, and‘ chelbi ’ (F.), ‘ datsi ’ (H.), Aristida Sieberiana ; ‘ bulude ’ from underbushes : until, at the hot season or ‘ tornado season ’ just preceding therains, half their food may consist of the leaves of trees and shrubs.After some six weeks of this dry grazing, the hot season will havebrought forth a light covering of young fresh grass (daye) in flats andhollows, when cattle will cease to eat the dry grasses, and eat only greenleafage in addition to the succulent ‘ daye \In pans of heavy soil where rainwater first lies, when situated aboutponds and lakes, a good growth of short grasses comes on before thegrass ‘ chelbi ’ does : in similar pans in uplands and hill country,‘ chelbi ’ only is found.During the period of the hot season, cattle are also grazed at nightwhere grazing is very short. In certain parts, for example, in Sokotocountry, it is the custom of many, from the time of harvest until theearly rains, to take the cattle out early in the morning to graze, andreturn with them to the camp at about 9 to 10 a.m., where they remainfor a time, and then go out again until night : others practise this onlyif grazing is very scanty.In the rains, the cattle are not let out to graze until the dew has driedoff; neglect of this precaution leading to losses in cattle at the time ofharvest. After a night of rain, when no dew can have risen, the herd isallowed to graze in the early morning ; but if there has been no rain,when there will be dew, the cattle will be kept in the kraal until the dewgoes off (the cows being milked meanwhile).A number of deaths during the early rains are said to be due to the factthat, when rains have fallen, the cattle will not eat dried-up grasses, butfollow the spikes of new grass, with which, the spikes being short, theytake in a considerable quantity of earth.Some say that feeding cattle on the leafage of lopped branchestowards the end of the dry season, though then putting the cattle intogood condition, leads to the occurrence of deaths among them in theheight of the wet season, and that it is preferable to seek the bestgrazing available and let the cattle make the most of the dry grasses thenobtainable, even though this does entail some loss in condition.Actually the grass Digitaria debilis is considered the best grass for alltypes of livestock ; but it is chiefly to be found on farms. Next in valueare Pennisetum pedicellatum and Pennisetum setosum; Eragrostistremula ; then Thelepogon elegans, known by many of the Fulani byits Kanuri name of ‘ kagarakagumji ’ (Hausa, datanniya).‘ Burugu ’ (H.), (Panicum stagninum) is found as a river-grass by suchrivers as the Niger, about swamps, and in swampy streams ; but is notgeneral : it provides good fodder over a great part of the year for thosecattle which are grazed about such areas.335While the above-mentioned grasses are general to many parts, thereare, naturally, other areas to which, owing to variation in the flora, theremarks cannot apply.Very tall grasses are of no use to the cattle-man ; the tops of theshorter, sweeter grasses, and the seeds in the heads — recognised bythe Fulani as good nourishment — being greatly preferred by the cattle.When grazing is so scanty that leaves of trees are considered necessaryto supplement the feed, branches of certain trees are cut off for thecattle to browse.These include ‘ leggel bali ’, which ruminants will readily eat at anytime of the year, and is considered the best. Smaller specimens arecontinually eaten down by wild, as well as domestic, ruminants.Others include 4 kawohi ’ (F.), ‘ kawo ’ (H.), Afzelia africana ; ‘ ibbiFicus gnaphalocarpa ; ‘ shannehi ’, Ficus kawuri; the less general‘ shanganehi \ Ficus iteophylla ; 4 golombi ’, Stereospermum Kunthianum — varying with the trees, useful for this purpose, found in thelocality.In places, the pods of ‘ barkehi ’ (the Hausa kalgo), (Bauhiniareticulata) are pounded and given — sometimes with bran and a littlepowdered natron — to some of the older catle to tide them over a periodof shortage, lest they get so weak as to be unable to get up, or stand,through lack of food.The fact that little grass burning is done by Fulani has been mentioned.Grass burning is started soon after the end of the rains by bowmenseeking game, then by hunters with dogs driving game : large areas areburnt in this manner. Later, farmers, in setting fire to scrub in orderto get ahead with breaking up more land, may lose control, and thenfire get out of hand, as may also happen in the case of honey seekerswhen smoking the bees for wild honey in the hollow of a tree, or whenthe dry wood is left smouldering and the tree finally falls among thegrasses.Especially where authorities have given instructions that grassburning is an offence, it is a favourite trick of irresponsible personsto throw a piece of smouldering dung among dry grasses some distanceoff a path, so that by the time surrounding grasses have caught alight,following the fire being blown into a flame by any breeze there mayhappen to be, he may be perhaps three miles away from the scene.A more elaborate plan is to take an old, hollow nut of the dum palm,stuffed with dung pressed in through the opening and plugged witha piece of rag. To this a light is applied, and the nut placed amongdry grasses : the dung, ignited by the rag, gives off a great heat whilesmouldering and the nut, glowing as a tinder for a considerable period,acts as a good delayed-action fuse, often used where regulations againstgrass burning are rigorously pressed.
    Oct 25, 2016 87
  • 25 Oct 2016
    11Fula(Northern, Senegambian, Atlantic)Sarah Rose11.1 GeneralFula (aka Fulfulde1) has proven to be a classification puzzle, with some early scholars judging itmore Semitic than Niger-Congo2. The language is widely spoken in a continuum from West toEast in countries including Senegal, Mauritania, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Mali, BurkinaFaso, northern Benin, Nigeria, Niger, Chad, Cameroon, with some speakers reported as far Eastas Sudan.Estimates of the number of speakers vary wildly. Gordon (2005) puts the number atapproximately four and a half million, but suggests that in total, speakers may number as high astwelve million. The UCLA Language Materials Project (www.lmp.ucla.edu) puts the number atbetween 12-15 million speakers.Estimates of dialects vary from two (as in Taylor (1953)) to six (as in Arnott (1970:3).Arnott‟s monograph is based on the Gombe dialect, spoken in Northeastern Nigeria, which heconsiders “more typical of Fula as a whole” (1970:4). Unless otherwise indicated, we refer to thelatter in this chapter.Fula is a five vowel language (with contrasting long vowels). There are no tones.However, Arnott marks what he terms the “salient syllable” with the diacritic () over the relevantvowel (1970:63, 64). The consonant system contains 28 members, including four “glottalized”consonants (, ,’y, and ’)3. The language allows geminated consonants and has a full array ofpre-nasalized stops.Fula boasts a complex and unusual system of suffixally-marked noun class and concord.Each class suffix has several allomorphs (or “grades” as Arnott calls them (1970:88-89)), whichcombine with stems of the same “grade”. This fact has an effect on agreement morphology: sincethe “grade” of the suffix is determined by the individual stem, agreement phrases show suffixesof the same class, but not necessarily the same form:(1) loo-gel alee-yelpot-class 3 (smallness singular) black-class 3 (smallness singular)„a small black pot‟ (Arnott 1970:92, Appendix 5)(2) Examples of the Noun Class System of Fula(after Arnott 1970:75, Appendix 4): Class 1 Animate (human) (s) -o gork-o „man‟Class 2 Animate (human) (p) -e wor-e „men‟Class 3 Small person/thing (s) -gel i-gel „small child‟Class 6 Small persons/things (p) -kon ik-kon „small children‟Class 7 Large item/quantity (s) -ga em-ga „big tongue‟Class 8 Large items/quantities (p) -ko em-ko „big tongues‟An especially intriguing feature of the concord system, seen in the singular/plural pairs in classes1 and 2 above, involves the alternation of the stem-initial consonants. This consonant alternation(referred to by some authors as “phonetic chiasmus”, from the Greek letter chi (), by others as“consonant mutation”) is exemplified below4:(3) The consonant alternation system of Fula (Sapir 1971:67, reproduced in Childs2003a:74). Each column represents a single phoneme, with allomorphs of increasingly“stronger” grades: thus, for instance, [g] is a stronger variant of [w], [p] a stronger variantof [f], etc.I. f t s h w(b) r (d) y (j) y w  (g)II. p t c k b d j g g gIII. p t c k mb nd nj g g g11.2 Word OrderFula is generally S V (IO) (DO). This is the default order in main clauses. In some subordinateclauses (as in examples (5) and (6)), the order of subject and verb is reversed. There is anmorphologically-based change in position of the invariable element -no-.5 It appears at final,after the suffix and negative marker in what I am calling “simple” forms (as in Arnott‟s “GeneralPast” and “Future”; see below and Overview in §11.11), but after the “auxiliary-type” elementon (as in template in (14)) in “complex” forms.The following examples show the default word order including objects, both pronominaland nominal, in main clauses.(4) a. One object:mi-sood-ii6 nagge FOR more please download the PDF
    60 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • 11Fula(Northern, Senegambian, Atlantic)Sarah Rose11.1 GeneralFula (aka Fulfulde1) has proven to be a classification puzzle, with some early scholars judging itmore Semitic than Niger-Congo2. The language is widely spoken in a continuum from West toEast in countries including Senegal, Mauritania, Gambia, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Mali, BurkinaFaso, northern Benin, Nigeria, Niger, Chad, Cameroon, with some speakers reported as far Eastas Sudan.Estimates of the number of speakers vary wildly. Gordon (2005) puts the number atapproximately four and a half million, but suggests that in total, speakers may number as high astwelve million. The UCLA Language Materials Project (www.lmp.ucla.edu) puts the number atbetween 12-15 million speakers.Estimates of dialects vary from two (as in Taylor (1953)) to six (as in Arnott (1970:3).Arnott‟s monograph is based on the Gombe dialect, spoken in Northeastern Nigeria, which heconsiders “more typical of Fula as a whole” (1970:4). Unless otherwise indicated, we refer to thelatter in this chapter.Fula is a five vowel language (with contrasting long vowels). There are no tones.However, Arnott marks what he terms the “salient syllable” with the diacritic () over the relevantvowel (1970:63, 64). The consonant system contains 28 members, including four “glottalized”consonants (, ,’y, and ’)3. The language allows geminated consonants and has a full array ofpre-nasalized stops.Fula boasts a complex and unusual system of suffixally-marked noun class and concord.Each class suffix has several allomorphs (or “grades” as Arnott calls them (1970:88-89)), whichcombine with stems of the same “grade”. This fact has an effect on agreement morphology: sincethe “grade” of the suffix is determined by the individual stem, agreement phrases show suffixesof the same class, but not necessarily the same form:(1) loo-gel alee-yelpot-class 3 (smallness singular) black-class 3 (smallness singular)„a small black pot‟ (Arnott 1970:92, Appendix 5)(2) Examples of the Noun Class System of Fula(after Arnott 1970:75, Appendix 4): Class 1 Animate (human) (s) -o gork-o „man‟Class 2 Animate (human) (p) -e wor-e „men‟Class 3 Small person/thing (s) -gel i-gel „small child‟Class 6 Small persons/things (p) -kon ik-kon „small children‟Class 7 Large item/quantity (s) -ga em-ga „big tongue‟Class 8 Large items/quantities (p) -ko em-ko „big tongues‟An especially intriguing feature of the concord system, seen in the singular/plural pairs in classes1 and 2 above, involves the alternation of the stem-initial consonants. This consonant alternation(referred to by some authors as “phonetic chiasmus”, from the Greek letter chi (), by others as“consonant mutation”) is exemplified below4:(3) The consonant alternation system of Fula (Sapir 1971:67, reproduced in Childs2003a:74). Each column represents a single phoneme, with allomorphs of increasingly“stronger” grades: thus, for instance, [g] is a stronger variant of [w], [p] a stronger variantof [f], etc.I. f t s h w(b) r (d) y (j) y w  (g)II. p t c k b d j g g gIII. p t c k mb nd nj g g g11.2 Word OrderFula is generally S V (IO) (DO). This is the default order in main clauses. In some subordinateclauses (as in examples (5) and (6)), the order of subject and verb is reversed. There is anmorphologically-based change in position of the invariable element -no-.5 It appears at final,after the suffix and negative marker in what I am calling “simple” forms (as in Arnott‟s “GeneralPast” and “Future”; see below and Overview in §11.11), but after the “auxiliary-type” elementon (as in template in (14)) in “complex” forms.The following examples show the default word order including objects, both pronominaland nominal, in main clauses.(4) a. One object:mi-sood-ii6 nagge FOR more please download the PDF
    Oct 25, 2016 60
  • 30 Aug 2016
    THE CONCEPT OF PULAAKU MIRROREDIN FULFULDE PROVERBS OF THE GOMBE DIALECT   Rudolf Leger and Abubakar B. Mohammad Introduction The paper gives a brief history of the Fulçe people who are found all overWest and Central Africa. Since no study of a people is complete without mentioning their language, the paper also gives a very brief account of Fulfulde, the language of the Fulçe people. However, the central focus of the paper is the concept of pulaaku, thatunique attribute of the Fulçe that serves as an unwritten code of conduct for all ‘true’ Fulçe. Pulaaku is Fulçe’s guiding principle in their dealings with their fellow Fulçe as well as with all other people.   Rather than talk about pulaaku in isolation, however, the paper tries to mirror it through Fulfulde proverbs. Coded or loaded messages called wise-sayings or proverbs are widely used in all languages. Fulfulde is particularly rich in this, which is why the paper explores this reservoir of knowledge in trying to portray the rich culture of the Fulçe people. The corpus of proverbs from which the selected proverbs come, was compiled in and around Gombe with the help of Mallam Bappayo Bappa Yerima Djibril.Since the Fulçe are easily the most dispersed people in Africa, no singlestudy can do real justice to all of them. This is why this study narrows itsscope to cover just the Fulçe of Gombe area of the northeastern of Nigeria. The Fulçe: A brief history The area covered by the Benue-Gongola-Chad Basin has been rightly described as “a zone of ethnic and linguistic compression”, owing to the convergence of various peoples into the area from times immemorial(JUNGRAITHMAYR & LEGER, 1993:165). A relatively recent migration into this region, however, took place in the eighteenth and the beginning of the last century (HOGBEN & KIRK-GREENE 1966:429f.). This was the period of Fulçe incursion into the heart of the Hausaland and Borno. They subsequently spread to as far as Gombe and Yola and even further into the Cameroon (TEMPLE 1919/1965:398). This peaceful incursion was interrupted in 1804 when, under the leadership of Usman Ãan Fodiyo, the Fulçe of Sokoto revolted against the Chief of Gobir. A ‘Jihad’ was then declared by the Fulçe and their Muslim supporters, which succeeded in overthrowing the traditional overlords throughout the Hausaland and beyond. The ‘Jihad’ had very farreaching consequences, which not only affected religious movements, but also political, economic and intellectual factors were involved. It also had a great impact on the linguistic situation and ethnic structures of the autochthonous people living there. The Fulçe themselves were perhaps the most affected.Whilst the ‘Cattle Fulçe’ had remained much as they were, the ‘Town Fulçe’ found themselves in positions of power and responsibility. Some of them became Emirs, District Chiefs, Village Heads and wealthy private individuals.The importance of language to the culture of a people has compelled us to include the Fulfulde language in our study. This is in addition to paying a closer attention to their complex ways of life - their ethics, beliefs and cultural behaviour. It is believed that a ruling class is always highly regarded within a multiethnic and multicultural society. Consequently, the ethnic group, to which the ruling class belongs, is often imitated or even copied by the other groups out of respect and admiration.   The Fulçe and their language. The Fulçe, whose population can roughly be estimated at 10 to 15 millionspeakers (cf. GOTTSCHLIGG 1992:1, 24 million now 2007) are found scattered over the whole of West and Central Africa up to the shores of the Red Sea. The original homeland of the Fulçe is believed to have been the middle Senegal River valley and the adjacent Futa Toro Savannah (ARMSTRONG 1978:9; MURDOCK 1959:413-414). From there in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Fulçe began their great migration towards the south and east, whereby today the fringes of their Diaspora lie in southern Mauritania, in the west to as far east as the Sudan(ARNOTT 1970:1). The classification of their language, Fulfulde, was a controversial subject. Many contradictory theories have been propounded, three ofwhich can be summarised as follows (ABU-MANGA 1986:3). • Fulfulde is a (pre-) Hamitic or Semito-Hamitic language, whose nominalclass system developed under strong influences of (West-)African languages (MEINHOF 1911:18f., 1912:2, 14f.; MUKAROVSKY 1980:125f.).• Fulfulde is a (Hamito-)Semitic language, which shares genetic origins with Arabic and Hebrew (ENGESTRÖM 1954:21). • Fulfulde is a West African language, belonging to the West Atlantic group of the Niger-Kordofanian language family (GREENBERG 1963:28). This is the most recognised and popular classification. An even more complex question than that of its classification concerns the different dialects of Fulfulde, whose distinctive features have only been partially described (cf. LEGER 1998:323f.) Based on ARNOTT (1970:3) and GOTTSCHLIGG (1992:50), six main dialect areas can be distinguished:   1.Futa Tooro (Senegal), 2. Futa Jaloo (Guinea), 3. Maasina (Mali), 4. Sokoto and Western Niger, 5. ‘Central’ (northern Nigeria and eastern Niger) 6.Adamaawa.   Nevertheless ARNOTT (cf. 1970) admits that dialectal bordersoverlap and agrees that: „The demarcation of dialects is inevitably an arbitrary process, especially in view of the mobility of the nomadic Fulani“. In addition, we have to take into account the mutual borrowing between Fulfulde and its neighbouring languages, as well as the multilingualism of the majority of Fulçe. This also plays an important role when studying Fulfulde dialects. The concept of pulaaku „Pulaaku is an abstract noun formed from the root ‘ful-‘ from which are other terms (like): Pullo, Fulçe (a Fulani, Fulanis), Fulfulde (the language, Fula), and pulaade (to act like a Fulani) are also derived.“ (RIESMAN 1977:127). pulaaku therefore means „the qualities appropriate to a Fulani“ (cf. RIESMAN 1977:127).                                                                                                                                          Abu Manga (not published) describes pulaaku with all its ideals as „the cornerstone of the Fulani culture“ and cites a proverb in which dignity,one of the highest aspects of pulaaku, is illustrated: NeÃÃaaku Ãum nebbam to rufi çoftataako“ (‘Dignity is like oil, once split it cannot be redeemed’). However, by far the most comprehensive definition of pulaaku is given inVEREECKE (1986:98) „Pulaaku specifies the actual rules or guidelines for appropriate behaviour and presentation of self, as well as a series of virtues and personal attributes, which may be viewed as rewards for behaving like a Pullo.“ In other words, pulaaku ‘is a Fulbe-exclusive marker.’ Although the concept of pulaaku is a universal one, common to all Fulçe wherever they may be, the extent of its use by the Fulçe varies from one dialectal area to another or, indeed, from one person to another, depending on his exposure, or lack of it, to non-Fulçe values and influences.As a matter of fact, some aspects of pulaaku have proved to be inimical to social interaction. For example, a Pullo would rather remain hungry than partake freely in food and drinks at a party. More serious still is when the fear of losing one’s pulaaku stops a Pullo from sending his children to school to acquire Western education. This has tended to make the Fulçe very conservative in their general worldview.There are many different aspects of pulaaku. If a person displays any ofthem he will be regarded as a Pullo or be liken to one. VEREECKE (1986: 98), for instance, reports that up to 15 components of pulaaku were identified in a study they undertook. Naturally, these components vary considerably in their occurrence and applicability. This is to say that it is rare, if not impossible, for any one individual Pullo to display all of them.However, for the purpose of this paper, only five of the most prominentcomponents of pulaaku will be discussed. Each of them will be illustrated by two or more appropriate Fulfulde proverbs. This is followed by a brief explanation of each of the proverbs. Some of the Fulfulde proverbs that mirror pulaaku. Collins English Dictionary defines a proverb as „a short memorable, and often highly condensed saying, embodying, especially with bold imagery, some commonplace facts of experience’. Every language has its own proverbs that are peculiar to it, and Fulfulde is no exception. For the purpose of this study, a careful selection of those Fulfulde proverbs that best exemplify the concept of pulaaku has been made. Semteende This is by far the most important component of pulaaku. It is also the most easily noticed; but not so easy to define. Its literal meaning is ‘shamefulness’.However, such terms as ‘being reserved’ or ‘shy’ will be less pejorative. It is expected of a true Pullo to display this characteristic. Among the proverbs that best depict semteende are the following: a. Torii heçii maa noye hakko toroo heçaayi?(To be granted one’s request is shameful enough, let alone when the request is turned down.) To the Pullo, it is very degrading to beg or request for something from someone. It is much more honourable for him to suppress such an urge no matter how pressing it might be. This is one of the attributes that may be harmful to the Pullo since it makes him keep to himself in a socially undesirable isolation. The most positive aspect of the concept of ‘semteendé’ is that it teacheshumility and self-denial. A Pullo who displays it will never be boastful andselfish.b. To honnduko nyaamii gite boo semta.(If the mouth has eaten, then the mouth must feel ashamed (expresses only gratitude).This proverb advises people who receive favours from someone that theyshould show deference as a sign of gratitude. It is absolutely necessary for one to openly display his pleasure and gratitude in return for favours and kindness received.c. Koo moye dura Ãi yeeso muuÃum. (Let everyone take care of what is in front of him.)This proverb is saying that one should mind one’s business and not to poke one’s nose into other people’s business. Most people do not take it kindly when they are given unsolicited advice. This is why a Pullo, in order to avoid being told off, tries to mind his own business. Munyal This can be interpreted to mean patience, tolerance or perseverance. It is expected of a Pullo to display this quality. Some of the proverbs that best depictMunyal include the following:a. No ndiyam luggiri fuu woodi njaareendi(No matter how deep a body of water is, there is fine sand at the bottom.)The proverb teaches us that whatever difficulty we may face, there will be relief in the end, if only we persevere. It is expected of a Pullo to display a high degree of perseverance. He must not always expect quick results or easy solutions to problems. "It was reported that once a Pullo came across a group of people surrounding a dead body near a river. By way of commiserating with the people, he asked what the cause of the death was. He was drowned in the river because he did not know how to swim. That was the reply. Why didn’t he go round the river? So asked the Pullo. How long do you think that would take? replied the people. How long will it take him to lie here? Said the Pullo."This short anecdote testifies not only to the Pullo’s witticism but also to his tremendous capacity for perseverance. b. Goonga hiiÃay hiddeko ko jaçee.(The truth will become old before people accept it.) The proverb is warning us not to expect people to readily accept the truth. It takes them a long time before they realise what it is. So, be prepared to give them time! The need for patience is therefore of paramount importance. c. Uumaaka çurii mbolwaaka.(What is groaned about surpasses what is spoken about.) When seemingly healthy people groan, it is a sign that they are carrying the burden of what worries them. In other words, there is more than meets the eyes, as it were. This also means that complaining and grumbling about an issue does not always help matters.EnÃam The meaning of this aspect of pulaaku is being kind and affectionate, especially to one’s own relations or kindred. The proverbs that depict enÃam include:a. Ko meemi kine fuu meemii gite.(Whatever affects the nose, affects the eyes also.) This proverb teaches us that whatever affects one’s family members or close friends also affects one. So, one rejoices with them when they are happy and commiserates with them when they are sad. In short, it teaches us to be humane, compassionate and to have flow-feeling. b. KoÃo Ãum ndiyam ndoggoojam.(A visitor is like run-off water.)This proverb is calling on us to be kind to our guests because they are as transient as the run-off water. It is therefore advisable to be much as nice to thembas possible while they are still with us. Ngorgu The literal meaning of ngorgu is ‘manliness’. It also means bravery. Theproverbs that depict ngorgu include the following:a. GiÃÃo çokkon colli doole yaaça gi’e.(He who goes after birds’ nests must be prepared to tread on thorns.) The proverb makes it clear that one has to labour first before one enjoys the fruits of one’s labour. In other words, ‘duty first before pleasure’, as the saying goes. b. Sollaare teppere çurii nde pooçe. (The dust on the heels is better than the one on the buttocks.) This proverb is saying that when you are on your feet it is the heels that become dusty; but if you are sitting down, it is the buttocks that become dusty.The message, therefore, is one must not be lazy, but be up and doing. NeÃÃaaku The meaning of neÃÃaaku is dignity or self-respect. The proverbs that best depict this aspect of pulaaku include:a. Nyaami haaraayi, çiiri haaray na?(If after eating, one is not full, will licking the bowl make one full?)This proverb admonishes against doing something that is beneath one’sdignity. According to Fulçe custom, grown ups and children do not normally eat from the same bowl. The grown ups must not eat all the food in their bowl; they must leave something for the children. This is referred to as çiirol or ‘licking’. b. Ndikka toraaki e wujjuki. (It is better to beg than to steal.)To a Pullo, begging is too lowering. However, if a choice is to be made, naturally, begging is far more honourable and, needless to say, legal. Conclusion A paper as short as this cannot do full justice to the concept pulaaku, no matter how much one tries to condense it. Neither can justice be done to Fulfulde proverbs for exactly the same reason. The corpus of Fulfulde proverbs is such that volumes could be written out of it, if that were the intention. However, it is our sincere belief that, if nothing else, the paper has succeeded in whetting the appetite of those interested in Fulçe studies generally, and in pulaaku and Fulçe proverbs, in particular. References. ABU-MANAGA, A.-A. (1986): Fulfulde in the Sudan: Process of Adaptation to Arabic. Berlin.ABU-MANGA, A.-A. (no date): The concept of ‘woman’ in Fulani narratives. Unpublished paper, read at the First Annual Congress of Nigerian Folklore Society Sept. 27th – 30th 1981 in Kano. ARMSTRONG, R.G. 1978: Development of Fulani Studies: A linguist’s view. In: H.Jungraithmayr (ed.), Struktur und Wandel afrikanischer Sprachen. S. 7-89.Berlin. ARNOTT, D.W. (1970): The Nominal and Verbal Systems of Fula. Oxford.ENGESTRÖM, T. (1954): Apport à la théorie des origines du peuple et de la langue peulhe. Stockholm. GOTTSCHLIGG, P. (1992): Verbale Valenz und Kasus im Ful. Wien.GREENBERG, J.H. (1963): Languages of Africa. The Hague.HOGBEN, S.J. and A.H.M. KIRK-GREENE (1966): The Emirates of Northern Nigeria– A Preliminary Survey of their Historical Traditions. London.JUNGRAITHMAYR, H. and R. LEGER (1993): The Benue-Gongola-Chad Basin – Zone of ethnic and linguistic compression. Berichte des Sonderforschungsbereichs 268, Bd. 2, S. 161-172. Frankfurt am Main.LEGER, R. (1997): Tongue Twisters in Gombe Fulfulde. In: R. Leger (ed.), FulfuldeStudien – Fula Studies, Frankfurter Afrikanistische Blätter 9, S. 79-86.LEGER, R. (1998): Noun Classes in Fulfulde: The ‘Pulaar’ of Guinea and the ‘Fulfulde’ of Sudan. In: V. Vydrine et A. Kibrik (éd.), La Langue,L’Afrique, Les Peuls. Recucil d’articles dédiés a Antonina Koval, p. 323-334. St. Petersbourg – Moscou.MEINHOF, C. (1911): Das Ful in seiner Bedeutung für die Sprachen der Hamiten,Semiten und Bantu. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 65, p.177-220. MEINHOF, C. (1912): Die Sprache der Hamiten. Hamburg.MUKAROVSKY, H. (1980): Contribution à l’histoire des langues peul, sérèr et wolof.Itinérances I, p. 13-149. MURDOCK, G.P. (1959): Africa, its Peoples and their Culture History. New York.RIESMAN, P. (1977): Freedom in Fulani Social Life. Chicago.TEMPLE, C.L. (ed.) (1919, 1922, 1965): Notes on the Tribes, Provinces, Emirates and States of the Northern Provinces of Nigeria. Compiled from Official Reports by O. Temple – Liverpool. VEREECKE, C. (1986): pulaaku: Ethnic Identity Among the Adamawa Fulbe. Annals of Bornu III.
    9237 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • THE CONCEPT OF PULAAKU MIRROREDIN FULFULDE PROVERBS OF THE GOMBE DIALECT   Rudolf Leger and Abubakar B. Mohammad Introduction The paper gives a brief history of the Fulçe people who are found all overWest and Central Africa. Since no study of a people is complete without mentioning their language, the paper also gives a very brief account of Fulfulde, the language of the Fulçe people. However, the central focus of the paper is the concept of pulaaku, thatunique attribute of the Fulçe that serves as an unwritten code of conduct for all ‘true’ Fulçe. Pulaaku is Fulçe’s guiding principle in their dealings with their fellow Fulçe as well as with all other people.   Rather than talk about pulaaku in isolation, however, the paper tries to mirror it through Fulfulde proverbs. Coded or loaded messages called wise-sayings or proverbs are widely used in all languages. Fulfulde is particularly rich in this, which is why the paper explores this reservoir of knowledge in trying to portray the rich culture of the Fulçe people. The corpus of proverbs from which the selected proverbs come, was compiled in and around Gombe with the help of Mallam Bappayo Bappa Yerima Djibril.Since the Fulçe are easily the most dispersed people in Africa, no singlestudy can do real justice to all of them. This is why this study narrows itsscope to cover just the Fulçe of Gombe area of the northeastern of Nigeria. The Fulçe: A brief history The area covered by the Benue-Gongola-Chad Basin has been rightly described as “a zone of ethnic and linguistic compression”, owing to the convergence of various peoples into the area from times immemorial(JUNGRAITHMAYR & LEGER, 1993:165). A relatively recent migration into this region, however, took place in the eighteenth and the beginning of the last century (HOGBEN & KIRK-GREENE 1966:429f.). This was the period of Fulçe incursion into the heart of the Hausaland and Borno. They subsequently spread to as far as Gombe and Yola and even further into the Cameroon (TEMPLE 1919/1965:398). This peaceful incursion was interrupted in 1804 when, under the leadership of Usman Ãan Fodiyo, the Fulçe of Sokoto revolted against the Chief of Gobir. A ‘Jihad’ was then declared by the Fulçe and their Muslim supporters, which succeeded in overthrowing the traditional overlords throughout the Hausaland and beyond. The ‘Jihad’ had very farreaching consequences, which not only affected religious movements, but also political, economic and intellectual factors were involved. It also had a great impact on the linguistic situation and ethnic structures of the autochthonous people living there. The Fulçe themselves were perhaps the most affected.Whilst the ‘Cattle Fulçe’ had remained much as they were, the ‘Town Fulçe’ found themselves in positions of power and responsibility. Some of them became Emirs, District Chiefs, Village Heads and wealthy private individuals.The importance of language to the culture of a people has compelled us to include the Fulfulde language in our study. This is in addition to paying a closer attention to their complex ways of life - their ethics, beliefs and cultural behaviour. It is believed that a ruling class is always highly regarded within a multiethnic and multicultural society. Consequently, the ethnic group, to which the ruling class belongs, is often imitated or even copied by the other groups out of respect and admiration.   The Fulçe and their language. The Fulçe, whose population can roughly be estimated at 10 to 15 millionspeakers (cf. GOTTSCHLIGG 1992:1, 24 million now 2007) are found scattered over the whole of West and Central Africa up to the shores of the Red Sea. The original homeland of the Fulçe is believed to have been the middle Senegal River valley and the adjacent Futa Toro Savannah (ARMSTRONG 1978:9; MURDOCK 1959:413-414). From there in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Fulçe began their great migration towards the south and east, whereby today the fringes of their Diaspora lie in southern Mauritania, in the west to as far east as the Sudan(ARNOTT 1970:1). The classification of their language, Fulfulde, was a controversial subject. Many contradictory theories have been propounded, three ofwhich can be summarised as follows (ABU-MANGA 1986:3). • Fulfulde is a (pre-) Hamitic or Semito-Hamitic language, whose nominalclass system developed under strong influences of (West-)African languages (MEINHOF 1911:18f., 1912:2, 14f.; MUKAROVSKY 1980:125f.).• Fulfulde is a (Hamito-)Semitic language, which shares genetic origins with Arabic and Hebrew (ENGESTRÖM 1954:21). • Fulfulde is a West African language, belonging to the West Atlantic group of the Niger-Kordofanian language family (GREENBERG 1963:28). This is the most recognised and popular classification. An even more complex question than that of its classification concerns the different dialects of Fulfulde, whose distinctive features have only been partially described (cf. LEGER 1998:323f.) Based on ARNOTT (1970:3) and GOTTSCHLIGG (1992:50), six main dialect areas can be distinguished:   1.Futa Tooro (Senegal), 2. Futa Jaloo (Guinea), 3. Maasina (Mali), 4. Sokoto and Western Niger, 5. ‘Central’ (northern Nigeria and eastern Niger) 6.Adamaawa.   Nevertheless ARNOTT (cf. 1970) admits that dialectal bordersoverlap and agrees that: „The demarcation of dialects is inevitably an arbitrary process, especially in view of the mobility of the nomadic Fulani“. In addition, we have to take into account the mutual borrowing between Fulfulde and its neighbouring languages, as well as the multilingualism of the majority of Fulçe. This also plays an important role when studying Fulfulde dialects. The concept of pulaaku „Pulaaku is an abstract noun formed from the root ‘ful-‘ from which are other terms (like): Pullo, Fulçe (a Fulani, Fulanis), Fulfulde (the language, Fula), and pulaade (to act like a Fulani) are also derived.“ (RIESMAN 1977:127). pulaaku therefore means „the qualities appropriate to a Fulani“ (cf. RIESMAN 1977:127).                                                                                                                                          Abu Manga (not published) describes pulaaku with all its ideals as „the cornerstone of the Fulani culture“ and cites a proverb in which dignity,one of the highest aspects of pulaaku, is illustrated: NeÃÃaaku Ãum nebbam to rufi çoftataako“ (‘Dignity is like oil, once split it cannot be redeemed’). However, by far the most comprehensive definition of pulaaku is given inVEREECKE (1986:98) „Pulaaku specifies the actual rules or guidelines for appropriate behaviour and presentation of self, as well as a series of virtues and personal attributes, which may be viewed as rewards for behaving like a Pullo.“ In other words, pulaaku ‘is a Fulbe-exclusive marker.’ Although the concept of pulaaku is a universal one, common to all Fulçe wherever they may be, the extent of its use by the Fulçe varies from one dialectal area to another or, indeed, from one person to another, depending on his exposure, or lack of it, to non-Fulçe values and influences.As a matter of fact, some aspects of pulaaku have proved to be inimical to social interaction. For example, a Pullo would rather remain hungry than partake freely in food and drinks at a party. More serious still is when the fear of losing one’s pulaaku stops a Pullo from sending his children to school to acquire Western education. This has tended to make the Fulçe very conservative in their general worldview.There are many different aspects of pulaaku. If a person displays any ofthem he will be regarded as a Pullo or be liken to one. VEREECKE (1986: 98), for instance, reports that up to 15 components of pulaaku were identified in a study they undertook. Naturally, these components vary considerably in their occurrence and applicability. This is to say that it is rare, if not impossible, for any one individual Pullo to display all of them.However, for the purpose of this paper, only five of the most prominentcomponents of pulaaku will be discussed. Each of them will be illustrated by two or more appropriate Fulfulde proverbs. This is followed by a brief explanation of each of the proverbs. Some of the Fulfulde proverbs that mirror pulaaku. Collins English Dictionary defines a proverb as „a short memorable, and often highly condensed saying, embodying, especially with bold imagery, some commonplace facts of experience’. Every language has its own proverbs that are peculiar to it, and Fulfulde is no exception. For the purpose of this study, a careful selection of those Fulfulde proverbs that best exemplify the concept of pulaaku has been made. Semteende This is by far the most important component of pulaaku. It is also the most easily noticed; but not so easy to define. Its literal meaning is ‘shamefulness’.However, such terms as ‘being reserved’ or ‘shy’ will be less pejorative. It is expected of a true Pullo to display this characteristic. Among the proverbs that best depict semteende are the following: a. Torii heçii maa noye hakko toroo heçaayi?(To be granted one’s request is shameful enough, let alone when the request is turned down.) To the Pullo, it is very degrading to beg or request for something from someone. It is much more honourable for him to suppress such an urge no matter how pressing it might be. This is one of the attributes that may be harmful to the Pullo since it makes him keep to himself in a socially undesirable isolation. The most positive aspect of the concept of ‘semteendé’ is that it teacheshumility and self-denial. A Pullo who displays it will never be boastful andselfish.b. To honnduko nyaamii gite boo semta.(If the mouth has eaten, then the mouth must feel ashamed (expresses only gratitude).This proverb advises people who receive favours from someone that theyshould show deference as a sign of gratitude. It is absolutely necessary for one to openly display his pleasure and gratitude in return for favours and kindness received.c. Koo moye dura Ãi yeeso muuÃum. (Let everyone take care of what is in front of him.)This proverb is saying that one should mind one’s business and not to poke one’s nose into other people’s business. Most people do not take it kindly when they are given unsolicited advice. This is why a Pullo, in order to avoid being told off, tries to mind his own business. Munyal This can be interpreted to mean patience, tolerance or perseverance. It is expected of a Pullo to display this quality. Some of the proverbs that best depictMunyal include the following:a. No ndiyam luggiri fuu woodi njaareendi(No matter how deep a body of water is, there is fine sand at the bottom.)The proverb teaches us that whatever difficulty we may face, there will be relief in the end, if only we persevere. It is expected of a Pullo to display a high degree of perseverance. He must not always expect quick results or easy solutions to problems. "It was reported that once a Pullo came across a group of people surrounding a dead body near a river. By way of commiserating with the people, he asked what the cause of the death was. He was drowned in the river because he did not know how to swim. That was the reply. Why didn’t he go round the river? So asked the Pullo. How long do you think that would take? replied the people. How long will it take him to lie here? Said the Pullo."This short anecdote testifies not only to the Pullo’s witticism but also to his tremendous capacity for perseverance. b. Goonga hiiÃay hiddeko ko jaçee.(The truth will become old before people accept it.) The proverb is warning us not to expect people to readily accept the truth. It takes them a long time before they realise what it is. So, be prepared to give them time! The need for patience is therefore of paramount importance. c. Uumaaka çurii mbolwaaka.(What is groaned about surpasses what is spoken about.) When seemingly healthy people groan, it is a sign that they are carrying the burden of what worries them. In other words, there is more than meets the eyes, as it were. This also means that complaining and grumbling about an issue does not always help matters.EnÃam The meaning of this aspect of pulaaku is being kind and affectionate, especially to one’s own relations or kindred. The proverbs that depict enÃam include:a. Ko meemi kine fuu meemii gite.(Whatever affects the nose, affects the eyes also.) This proverb teaches us that whatever affects one’s family members or close friends also affects one. So, one rejoices with them when they are happy and commiserates with them when they are sad. In short, it teaches us to be humane, compassionate and to have flow-feeling. b. KoÃo Ãum ndiyam ndoggoojam.(A visitor is like run-off water.)This proverb is calling on us to be kind to our guests because they are as transient as the run-off water. It is therefore advisable to be much as nice to thembas possible while they are still with us. Ngorgu The literal meaning of ngorgu is ‘manliness’. It also means bravery. Theproverbs that depict ngorgu include the following:a. GiÃÃo çokkon colli doole yaaça gi’e.(He who goes after birds’ nests must be prepared to tread on thorns.) The proverb makes it clear that one has to labour first before one enjoys the fruits of one’s labour. In other words, ‘duty first before pleasure’, as the saying goes. b. Sollaare teppere çurii nde pooçe. (The dust on the heels is better than the one on the buttocks.) This proverb is saying that when you are on your feet it is the heels that become dusty; but if you are sitting down, it is the buttocks that become dusty.The message, therefore, is one must not be lazy, but be up and doing. NeÃÃaaku The meaning of neÃÃaaku is dignity or self-respect. The proverbs that best depict this aspect of pulaaku include:a. Nyaami haaraayi, çiiri haaray na?(If after eating, one is not full, will licking the bowl make one full?)This proverb admonishes against doing something that is beneath one’sdignity. According to Fulçe custom, grown ups and children do not normally eat from the same bowl. The grown ups must not eat all the food in their bowl; they must leave something for the children. This is referred to as çiirol or ‘licking’. b. Ndikka toraaki e wujjuki. (It is better to beg than to steal.)To a Pullo, begging is too lowering. However, if a choice is to be made, naturally, begging is far more honourable and, needless to say, legal. Conclusion A paper as short as this cannot do full justice to the concept pulaaku, no matter how much one tries to condense it. Neither can justice be done to Fulfulde proverbs for exactly the same reason. The corpus of Fulfulde proverbs is such that volumes could be written out of it, if that were the intention. However, it is our sincere belief that, if nothing else, the paper has succeeded in whetting the appetite of those interested in Fulçe studies generally, and in pulaaku and Fulçe proverbs, in particular. References. ABU-MANAGA, A.-A. (1986): Fulfulde in the Sudan: Process of Adaptation to Arabic. Berlin.ABU-MANGA, A.-A. (no date): The concept of ‘woman’ in Fulani narratives. Unpublished paper, read at the First Annual Congress of Nigerian Folklore Society Sept. 27th – 30th 1981 in Kano. ARMSTRONG, R.G. 1978: Development of Fulani Studies: A linguist’s view. In: H.Jungraithmayr (ed.), Struktur und Wandel afrikanischer Sprachen. S. 7-89.Berlin. ARNOTT, D.W. (1970): The Nominal and Verbal Systems of Fula. Oxford.ENGESTRÖM, T. (1954): Apport à la théorie des origines du peuple et de la langue peulhe. Stockholm. GOTTSCHLIGG, P. (1992): Verbale Valenz und Kasus im Ful. Wien.GREENBERG, J.H. (1963): Languages of Africa. The Hague.HOGBEN, S.J. and A.H.M. KIRK-GREENE (1966): The Emirates of Northern Nigeria– A Preliminary Survey of their Historical Traditions. London.JUNGRAITHMAYR, H. and R. LEGER (1993): The Benue-Gongola-Chad Basin – Zone of ethnic and linguistic compression. Berichte des Sonderforschungsbereichs 268, Bd. 2, S. 161-172. Frankfurt am Main.LEGER, R. (1997): Tongue Twisters in Gombe Fulfulde. In: R. Leger (ed.), FulfuldeStudien – Fula Studies, Frankfurter Afrikanistische Blätter 9, S. 79-86.LEGER, R. (1998): Noun Classes in Fulfulde: The ‘Pulaar’ of Guinea and the ‘Fulfulde’ of Sudan. In: V. Vydrine et A. Kibrik (éd.), La Langue,L’Afrique, Les Peuls. Recucil d’articles dédiés a Antonina Koval, p. 323-334. St. Petersbourg – Moscou.MEINHOF, C. (1911): Das Ful in seiner Bedeutung für die Sprachen der Hamiten,Semiten und Bantu. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 65, p.177-220. MEINHOF, C. (1912): Die Sprache der Hamiten. Hamburg.MUKAROVSKY, H. (1980): Contribution à l’histoire des langues peul, sérèr et wolof.Itinérances I, p. 13-149. MURDOCK, G.P. (1959): Africa, its Peoples and their Culture History. New York.RIESMAN, P. (1977): Freedom in Fulani Social Life. Chicago.TEMPLE, C.L. (ed.) (1919, 1922, 1965): Notes on the Tribes, Provinces, Emirates and States of the Northern Provinces of Nigeria. Compiled from Official Reports by O. Temple – Liverpool. VEREECKE, C. (1986): pulaaku: Ethnic Identity Among the Adamawa Fulbe. Annals of Bornu III.
    Aug 30, 2016 9237
  • 27 Aug 2016
      I found this document online about fulfulde ajami  i had to share it this is topic i enjoy reading about. Alphabet and Orthography StatementFor Fulfulde [FUB] Ajamiya(Found in Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad and Central African Republic)By Scott Clark, MASILB.P. 1299Yaoundé, Cameroon2007   Alphabet and Orthography Statement For Fulfulde [FUB] AjamiyaBy Scott Clark, M.A.Language: Fulfulde [Ethnologue code: FUB](Spoken in Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad and Central African Republic)Introduction:The alphabet described in this document is the result of many years of research, which began in the early 1960’s by Dr. Kristian Skulberg of Norway (in Ngaoundéré, Cameroon). Ron Nelson and the Sawtu Linjiila staff (a Fulfulde media and radio organization) continued his work in the 1980’s. By 1990, the orthography was well established. The orthography in the present statement has not significantly changed since that time. In 1998, at the JCMWA/MICCAO conference in Ngaoundéré, Cameroon; over 100 representatives from 14 West African countries agreed that this orthography would be a good standard for writing the Fulfulde language with Arabic script (called Ajamiya).One of the first Roman script orthographies for Fulfulde was developed by F.W. Taylor in the 1930’s (see his dictionary, 1932). In 1966, a unified Roman script orthography was recommended by UNESCO at the ‘Meeting of Experts for the Unification of Alphabets of the National Languages’ held atBamako, Mali. The orthography proposed in this paper is based on the phonology statement forAdamawa Fulfulde [FUB] found in Stennis, 1967.In 2002 a computer program was developed by Mark Rogalski and myself to “transliterate” the Roman script Fulfulde into Ajamiya script Fulfulde. It is still not 100% accurate and needs to be proofread for mistakes. The following Alphabet and Orthography Statement is presented in order to make the most accurate transliteration possible while maintaining as much as possible indigenous  Ajamiya conventions of the [FUB] Fulfulde dialect (abbreviations are on page 18).The Consonants:(The vowels will be introduced on page 14)Arabic alphabetical order (Abjadi) is adopted here showing the Ajamiya grapheme, Fulfulde name andphoneme1: أ -aliifi [a:] ب,bee [a], ت -tee [t]  ث, camamlu [],  ج ,jiimi [dz]  ح  -haa baaluul [h], خha to'b'bungol,د -deeli [c], - ذ zaali [] ر ,arre [], ز -zayra [y], س -siini [s], ش -ciini [s]or[]or[ts],  ص- saadi [s], -  ض baadi [d],  ظ zaadi [], ع –ayni kebuwal [],غangani kebuwal , ف fee [fe],  ق -gaafu [],  ك -keefu [k], ل- laamu [l],  م-miimi [m],  ن-nuunu][n],- ھhakabeere [h],  و-waawu [w],  ي-yah [j],  ء-hamaza [] -- ِIn addition, five Non-Arabic phonemes are found in Fulfulde; the symbols chosen to represent these sounds are: بء bee mod'u,يءyah mod'u,ف.pee,نغ nunu e angani. These  five characters are still under discussion. However, they have been used with good understanding for the lasttwenty years in Cameroon, with the exception of the p. The p has been recently adopted after a thoroughsearch of the contemporary use of Ajamiya in Northern Cameroon (see Orthography Report of SpecialLetters, March 2006 by myself). Several Arabic sounds and their corresponding consonants are NOT used in1See Appendix 1 for the chart of these letters in Abajada order (Warsh Qur’anic tradition). See Appendix 2 for the SummaryChart that is in Arabic Alphabetic order (Abjadi order). MORE information
    1038 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  •   I found this document online about fulfulde ajami  i had to share it this is topic i enjoy reading about. Alphabet and Orthography StatementFor Fulfulde [FUB] Ajamiya(Found in Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad and Central African Republic)By Scott Clark, MASILB.P. 1299Yaoundé, Cameroon2007   Alphabet and Orthography Statement For Fulfulde [FUB] AjamiyaBy Scott Clark, M.A.Language: Fulfulde [Ethnologue code: FUB](Spoken in Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad and Central African Republic)Introduction:The alphabet described in this document is the result of many years of research, which began in the early 1960’s by Dr. Kristian Skulberg of Norway (in Ngaoundéré, Cameroon). Ron Nelson and the Sawtu Linjiila staff (a Fulfulde media and radio organization) continued his work in the 1980’s. By 1990, the orthography was well established. The orthography in the present statement has not significantly changed since that time. In 1998, at the JCMWA/MICCAO conference in Ngaoundéré, Cameroon; over 100 representatives from 14 West African countries agreed that this orthography would be a good standard for writing the Fulfulde language with Arabic script (called Ajamiya).One of the first Roman script orthographies for Fulfulde was developed by F.W. Taylor in the 1930’s (see his dictionary, 1932). In 1966, a unified Roman script orthography was recommended by UNESCO at the ‘Meeting of Experts for the Unification of Alphabets of the National Languages’ held atBamako, Mali. The orthography proposed in this paper is based on the phonology statement forAdamawa Fulfulde [FUB] found in Stennis, 1967.In 2002 a computer program was developed by Mark Rogalski and myself to “transliterate” the Roman script Fulfulde into Ajamiya script Fulfulde. It is still not 100% accurate and needs to be proofread for mistakes. The following Alphabet and Orthography Statement is presented in order to make the most accurate transliteration possible while maintaining as much as possible indigenous  Ajamiya conventions of the [FUB] Fulfulde dialect (abbreviations are on page 18).The Consonants:(The vowels will be introduced on page 14)Arabic alphabetical order (Abjadi) is adopted here showing the Ajamiya grapheme, Fulfulde name andphoneme1: أ -aliifi [a:] ب,bee [a], ت -tee [t]  ث, camamlu [],  ج ,jiimi [dz]  ح  -haa baaluul [h], خha to'b'bungol,د -deeli [c], - ذ zaali [] ر ,arre [], ز -zayra [y], س -siini [s], ش -ciini [s]or[]or[ts],  ص- saadi [s], -  ض baadi [d],  ظ zaadi [], ع –ayni kebuwal [],غangani kebuwal , ف fee [fe],  ق -gaafu [],  ك -keefu [k], ل- laamu [l],  م-miimi [m],  ن-nuunu][n],- ھhakabeere [h],  و-waawu [w],  ي-yah [j],  ء-hamaza [] -- ِIn addition, five Non-Arabic phonemes are found in Fulfulde; the symbols chosen to represent these sounds are: بء bee mod'u,يءyah mod'u,ف.pee,نغ nunu e angani. These  five characters are still under discussion. However, they have been used with good understanding for the lasttwenty years in Cameroon, with the exception of the p. The p has been recently adopted after a thoroughsearch of the contemporary use of Ajamiya in Northern Cameroon (see Orthography Report of SpecialLetters, March 2006 by myself). Several Arabic sounds and their corresponding consonants are NOT used in1See Appendix 1 for the chart of these letters in Abajada order (Warsh Qur’anic tradition). See Appendix 2 for the SummaryChart that is in Arabic Alphabetic order (Abjadi order). MORE information
    Aug 27, 2016 1038
  • 27 Aug 2016
    Several Resources online already for those who wish to know more about fulfulde grammar not just mafindi.com words http://wikitravel.org/en/Fulfulde_phrasebook english to pulaar dictionary Babylon translation software Stanford University Library mobogenie android offline dictionary Colombia University library Webpulaaku Books(Defte) list in english and French  
    58 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • Several Resources online already for those who wish to know more about fulfulde grammar not just mafindi.com words http://wikitravel.org/en/Fulfulde_phrasebook english to pulaar dictionary Babylon translation software Stanford University Library mobogenie android offline dictionary Colombia University library Webpulaaku Books(Defte) list in english and French  
    Aug 27, 2016 58
  • 08 Aug 2016
    "It was reported that once a Pullo came across a group of people surrounding a dead body near a river. By way of commiserating with the people, he asked what the cause of the death was. He was drowned in the river because he did not know how to swim. That was the reply. Why didn’the go round the river? So asked the Pullo. How long do you think that would take? replied the people. How long will it take him to lie here? Said the Pullo.This short anecdote testifies not only to the Pullo’s witticism but also to his tremendous capacity for perseverance."   From THE CONCEPT OF PULAAKU MIRRORED IN FULFULDE PROVERBS OF THE GOMBE DIALECTRudolf Leger and Abubakar B. Mohammad http://publikationen.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/frontdoor/index/index/docId/1820    
    132 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • "It was reported that once a Pullo came across a group of people surrounding a dead body near a river. By way of commiserating with the people, he asked what the cause of the death was. He was drowned in the river because he did not know how to swim. That was the reply. Why didn’the go round the river? So asked the Pullo. How long do you think that would take? replied the people. How long will it take him to lie here? Said the Pullo.This short anecdote testifies not only to the Pullo’s witticism but also to his tremendous capacity for perseverance."   From THE CONCEPT OF PULAAKU MIRRORED IN FULFULDE PROVERBS OF THE GOMBE DIALECTRudolf Leger and Abubakar B. Mohammad http://publikationen.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/frontdoor/index/index/docId/1820    
    Aug 08, 2016 132
  • 08 Aug 2016
    Any member can add words  Sign in to mafindi.com with your Email, Facebook account,Twitter or Yahoo /Enlist Search for the word you want to add on the dictionary page, if its not there you can add it. Click on post new word and fill If the words is already added you can post a new definition or vote it up or down. Top posters each month will get a reward.
    66 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • Any member can add words  Sign in to mafindi.com with your Email, Facebook account,Twitter or Yahoo /Enlist Search for the word you want to add on the dictionary page, if its not there you can add it. Click on post new word and fill If the words is already added you can post a new definition or vote it up or down. Top posters each month will get a reward.
    Aug 08, 2016 66
  • 30 Jul 2016
    Pulaaku among the Fula   By    Dr. Aliyu Tilde     info@fridaydiscourse.com   This is the second article on Fulani and their problems in Nigeria. We have sufficiently focussed on language in the previous article last week. Today, we will look at an attribute with which the Fulani are distinguished. It is a feature that is eroding in Nigeria, on one hand as fast as life is becoming difficult for its citizens, and on the other, as gradual as the ruler becomes encapsulated by the norms and adulterations of sedentary life.   We will start with its meaning, then its examples, origins and benefits. Finally we have offered a prescription on how it will be maintained among those who still practice it sufficiently and how those who lost it could recover it.   Meaning   The single feature that cuts across the behaviour of the Fula is what he and others call pulaaku. It is the altruism ((Hausa: kara) that makes him consider the interest of others first, before his. It is also the shyness (Hausa: kunya) that prevents him from enjoying what is lawful like gifts, or prevents him from publicly showing his attachment and concern to a beloved one. It is also the endurance (Hausa: juriya) that enables him to withstand pains and difficulties silently, without complaining. It is also the caution and pride that makes him to avoid anything ignoble and degrading.   Seen from the above perspective, it is difficult to understand why some people would like to see pulaaku as limited to the Fulani. I will rather consider it as one of those traits common to human cultures. All civilizations, if we have the freedom to discount capitalism, consider self-sacrifice praiseworthy, and selfishness blameworthy. All revealed religions preach pulaaku in many of its forms.   In one place, the Medinite companions of the Holy Prophet received the migrant Meccans to their city after the Hijrah with a selflessness that earned them a divine praise. God described them as people who “prefer (the fugitives) above themselves though poverty become their lot. And whoso is saved from his own avarice, such are they who are successful.” (59:8). The Meccan migrants who were deprived of their possessions, on the other hand, were praised with the pulaaku of endurance when God said: “the unthinking man accounteth them wealthy because of their restraint. Thou shalt know them by their mark: they do not beg of men with importunity…” (2:273). The Holy Prophet, the epitome of good conduct, shied from expressing his annoyance over the offensive conduct of others towards him: “…Lo. That would cause annoyance to the Prophet, and he would be shy of (asking) you (to go); but God is not shy of the truth.” (22:53) In one of his traditions he was reported saying, “if it does not make you ashamed, do whatever you like.” This tradition supports our assertion that pulaaku, in decrying the ignoble, is a universal human attribute.   Having established that pulaaku, in many respects at least, is not is not restricted to the Fulani, I am now comfortable to hold that the Fula differ from others because he has taken pulaaku a degree, or degrees as someone would claim, higher than how others did. It is the medium of his conduct, and the substratum on which it is anchored. To the Fula, absence of pulaaku defiles the noble of his dignity and its presence could earn a slave the respect of his master.   Examples   Pulaaku, in its simple form, expects a woman not to mention the name of her husband or that of her first child. In case of the first son, both parents, but especially the mother, are expected to ignore him throughout his life. In extreme cases mothers shy from saving their children from risks, including fire or drowning! (I won’t go that far). Parents with sufficient pulaaku will find it difficult to side with their children or relations in case of misunderstanding with others. Pulaaku demands utmost privacy in habits of eating, drinking, sleeping and intercourse. A friend from Dukku once told me how his grandfather used to eat in hiding, so secretly that none of his wives ever saw him eating throughout his life. A Gobir trader (bagobiri) once rebuked me for refusing to be served with Coke outside his shop, along Waff Road, Kaduna. He said: “Ku filani kun ramma mutane”, meaning, “you Fulani have an inferior impression about others.” I explained to him how I have always obeyed this form of pulaaku, until when I decided to break it one day in Abuja, thinking that I was away enough from home. It was not long after I started taking a snack outside a restaurant that I heard an approaching voice saluting me. I raised my head and found, to my utmost shame, that it was a brother to my father in-law. The bagobiri laughed, saying, “And so what if your in-law saw you eating?” He just could not understand why.   The Fula will abhor whatever is discerned as shameful in the society. Lack of remorse is considered as antithesis of pulaaku. In times of deprivation, it is shameful to ask anyone, including his relations. Begging is taboo. As one of his proverbs signifies: there is enough shame when a request is granted; where it is not, the shame cannot be described. If you would ask him, as a guest in your house: “Do you mind some food?”, no matter his condition, he will certainly reply with a smile, saying, “mi haari.” (I am okay).   If he will receive a gift (he does reluctantly and sometimes only to avoid embarrassing the donor), he will add, “hai! torra non?” (What! Why suffer so much?). Thereafter, even if he is a child, he will hurriedly disappear, because he feels ashamed to receive something from someone. He must be seen to be self-sufficient. That is why, a child is stopped from visiting a house where he will be given gifts. He must also not eat from another house. The adult would usually boycott, wherever possible, people who offer him gifts. He concurs with al Motanabbi who held that generosity buys the noble but encourages the poor-minded to rebel.   Pulaaku demands resilience. Enough of it is expressed in the annual festival that is called sharo in Hausaland. There, the Fula will bare his chest to be beaten by any challenger in the crowd. As the fresh stick of the attacker awfully tears his skin apart to expose his flesh before the viewing public, he neutralises the sympathy of his spectators with beautiful smiles and cheerful jubilation. Many times, hit on one side of the chest, he will challenge his opponent further by turning the other side. He will retire from the occasion to prepare for a hurtful revenge the following week.   While some cultures celebrate the proof of their daughter’s virginity the morning following her first intercourse as a bride, Pulaaku demands that the Fula to conceal even her pregnancy, especially the first one, until it is impossible to do so any longer. And when she comes to deliver a child, she must do so quietly. Even a sick child should not complain of pain by crying. This is where an Arab will shout, wa musibataaaa, or wailiiii, or yaa naass, yaa khooooy… and the Hausa will cry, “wayyoooo Allah…” There are no such words in fulfulde, at all.   The dying should also bid farewell to the world quietly. The loss of anything, a son or a property, should not warrant the slightest discomfiture. A mother is denied the tears that would sooth her eyes from the pain caused by the death of her child or husband, no matter the attachment she had for him. On such occasion, the Persian will be piercing his head with a knife; and the Arab will throw dust over his head and cry, “ya khasrataaaa...”   I think the point has sufficiently been made, given these illustrations, that few cultures, if any, as we said before, will be ready to take their pulaaku to this extent.   Origin   We may be tempted to ascribe pulaaku to religion, since all religions preach endurance, self-denial and so on. What a convenience! If it were so, we will expect to find a strong correlation between pulaaku and the religiosity of the individual Fula. On the contrary, pulaaku is also practiced impressively by those naturalis who care very little about religion. It is therefore safer to see it as a purely cultural trait among the Fula, which Islam has in some instances condemned or tolerated, and encouraged in most others. It is like the tradition of generosity among pre-Islamic Arabs, which I remember the author of Meccan Crucible was able to trace back to their Jahiliyya customs.   I will argue that pulaaku, to the extent that the Fula practises it, is a habit that was cultivated or rather derived from his nomadic life. The features of pulaaku are the most deficient properties in modern technological societies. Thus the more traditional a society is, at least in the Powelian paradigm of social science, the more will its culture be characterised by generosity, hospitality, selflessness, and so on. Conversely, the more advanced a society is technologically, the lesser will it be characterised by such traditional values.   This argument is more plausible in capitalist societies due to the enormous social pressures that their exploitative mode of production provokes. In traditional societies however, the means of production and distribution are simple: resources are readily supplied by nature and require little processing or marketing before they are consumed.   The nomadic state of the Fula, in other words, is what generally granted him the liberty of selflessness. Their farming system permits self-sufficiency, extensively using shifting cultivation and mixed farming. Their close marital practice produce unified communities whose members are closely related. Under such circumstance, sacrifice becomes easier, if not natural.   It is now easy to understand why the Fula, over a long period, is stripped of his pulaaku anytime he settles to face the harsh realities of urban life. If his abundance remains, like where he maintains a large herd of cattle, the likelihood of his pulaaku remaining is higher. But if he has to capture his livelihood from amidst the thick air of competition, like through contracts and marketing, then he will soon realize that pulaaku will be a detriment to his survival above the margin of poverty. He would also learn to save his small hard-earned resources for himself because there is none who will come to his aid, as any other person is trying to work out his own survival arithmetic. In the absence of his cattle, farm, fruits, rivers and space, over generations, preference to self becomes irresistible, if not inevitable.   The courage component of the Fula’s pulaaku can easily be traced to the necessity of self-defence in his nomadic state. This is a habit he shares with other cultures that grew under conditions of seclusion. The Arabs were equally courageous, until when they learnt how to enjoy the sanctuary of sedentary life and to indulge in the luxuries of the nations they conquered. Today, they cannot raise even a finger against Israel, in protest to the atrocities it is committing against their Palestinian brothers.   Benefits   From a utilitarian perspective, what benefit has the Fula derived from his Pulaaku? The benefits, I believe, are many but we will restrict ourselves here to three. One, internally, it ensures peaceful coexistence among members of the genus. With pulaaku, there is a good understanding among the members of the genus as to the standard pattern of their behaviour. It is the normative law. Also, by restraining the self from eyeing the property of others, pulaaku has helped to demobilize the greatest precursor to quarrels – the struggle to acquire what belongs to others.   Two, externally, pulaaku has made it easier for the Fula to be accepted by other people. Without it, his nomadic life would have been difficult. Here he differs from other nomads. The Jew, for example, is mainly preoccupied with how to acquire what belongs to others. If he has ninety-nine sheep, he will plan to snatch the only sheep belonging to his brother. Greed is the hallmark of Jewish trade and a fundamental article of his association with others. On the contrary, pulaaku asserts self-sufficiency that is achieved and maintained through honourable means. Where deprivation visits the Fula, he is expected to overcome it without revealing his secrets to others. He would rather die than beg. With this self-pride, others found him a guest enough light to accommodate easily, and who does not pose much threat to their possessions. Men will remain amiable, according to Machiavelli, so long as they do not show interest in the wealth and women of others.   Thirdly, the Fula demesticus has found pulaaku important in his leadership role. In the various parts he settled in West Africa, apart from farming, he has also engaged in scholarship and administration. Pulaaku is necessary to both professions. To become a good leader, self-sacrifice and trust are indispensable qualities. To be a formidable scholar, self-denial is necessary. And pulaaku supplies the Fula with both habits in abundance. He thus finds the commandments of Islam regarding these matters easy to follow. This might have contributed to the acceptance of Shehu Danfodio in Hausaland. The caliphate that he established enjoyed the respect of the people as long as the leadership was ready to live by those qualities. How long they did so is a question that only historians can best answer.   Erosion   Unfortunately, this fundamental identity of the Fula, much of which is praiseworthy, is fast becoming eroded in the genus. Among the Fula domesticus, very little of it is left; and even among the naturalis, it is increasingly becoming difficult to sustain. The selflessness of Fula leaders is falling far short of the measure of pulaaku. They have put their interest and that of their children first, and failed to attend to the problems of their subjects. They loot the treasury as much as others do; the difference between them, except in few cases, is marginal. The misconduct of some of their daughters, especially some of those brought up in the GRAs and who have become bereft of shame and shyness, is enough to make their grandparents in the villages faint or go berserk.   The present habits of many naturalis is not better than that of his doemesticus brother. They are also finding it difficult to keep trust. Some of them run away with cattle that others kept in their custody. Some are involved in petty habits like theft. Worst is what we have been learning for the past five years about their participation in armed robbery and banditry. Do not mention alcohol and other vices. I remember a goge artiste who used to perform in our village on market days. One of his songs was: “Karyar wade-wade ta kare ga dan Fulani na sai da giya”, meaning, “pulaaku is finished since we have a Fulani selling alcohol.” I wonder what he would say today, were he alive.   These are the reasons why I strongly hold the view that pulaaku is endangered. Its decline among the Fula when the country needs it most to overcome predicaments triggered by avarice is deeply lamentable.   Solution   It is difficult to practice all the ramifications of pulaaku in the present world of political boundaries – local and international – that exacerbate poverty by limiting movement and restricting the economic choices of the individual; of growing predominance of capitalism and its values; and finally, of acculturation through western education. Fighting against these factors is like standing in the way of a flood.   Nevertheless, we must know that facing the flood is better and more honourable than drowning in it. It will take the capitalist societies to nowhere. Such societies will sooner or later revert or their civilization will perish, for no civilization lasts by living on bizarre exploitation and unguarded avarice like theirs.   My prescription is a simple pill. In a struggle between civilizations, like in fighting against a flood, it is wiser to hold on to a firm support. I am referring to systems that are more enduring, that are held at higher esteem and that possess higher values than those of traditions inherited from ancestors.   Here, Islam comes handy, to the Fula and the non-Fula alike. Fortunately, the Fula have accepted it very long ago. Therefore, it is unnecessary for them to return to the old pulaaku that was passed through ancestry. When they practice it under Islam, in obedience to God, they will be executing His commandments for which they will be rewarded in this world and in the Hereafter. It will delight many readers to note that Islam has made sufficient provisions for all the praiseworthy properties of pulaaku, and much more. A devout Muslim will flout pulaaku only in few respects, all of which are unnecessary. If he follows the traditions of the prophet, he will be able to drop the terrible and the tedious in his old definition to adopt simpler versions that will endure the aggression of external values. By this, we are most assured that the values we cherish in pulaaku will live to be inherited by our distant progenies. God said: “Lo! this Quran guideth unto that which is straightest..” (17:9) Regarding the traditions of the Prophet, they have emanated from someone described by God in the best of testimonies: “And Lo. You are of great conduct.” (68:4).   Readers, that was pulaaku. Those were the threats to its survival. And this is Islam; its best saviour against the formidable flood of urbanization and capitalism. No other system will offer the Fula a better alternative. With it, wherever we go, we do not believe that we have missed anything that is praiseworthy in our heritage. Neither will we lose touch with nature for Islam is built on nature. We feel at home.   Source : Dr Aliyu tilde http://www.gamji.com/tilde/NEWS1112.htm
    237 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • Pulaaku among the Fula   By    Dr. Aliyu Tilde     info@fridaydiscourse.com   This is the second article on Fulani and their problems in Nigeria. We have sufficiently focussed on language in the previous article last week. Today, we will look at an attribute with which the Fulani are distinguished. It is a feature that is eroding in Nigeria, on one hand as fast as life is becoming difficult for its citizens, and on the other, as gradual as the ruler becomes encapsulated by the norms and adulterations of sedentary life.   We will start with its meaning, then its examples, origins and benefits. Finally we have offered a prescription on how it will be maintained among those who still practice it sufficiently and how those who lost it could recover it.   Meaning   The single feature that cuts across the behaviour of the Fula is what he and others call pulaaku. It is the altruism ((Hausa: kara) that makes him consider the interest of others first, before his. It is also the shyness (Hausa: kunya) that prevents him from enjoying what is lawful like gifts, or prevents him from publicly showing his attachment and concern to a beloved one. It is also the endurance (Hausa: juriya) that enables him to withstand pains and difficulties silently, without complaining. It is also the caution and pride that makes him to avoid anything ignoble and degrading.   Seen from the above perspective, it is difficult to understand why some people would like to see pulaaku as limited to the Fulani. I will rather consider it as one of those traits common to human cultures. All civilizations, if we have the freedom to discount capitalism, consider self-sacrifice praiseworthy, and selfishness blameworthy. All revealed religions preach pulaaku in many of its forms.   In one place, the Medinite companions of the Holy Prophet received the migrant Meccans to their city after the Hijrah with a selflessness that earned them a divine praise. God described them as people who “prefer (the fugitives) above themselves though poverty become their lot. And whoso is saved from his own avarice, such are they who are successful.” (59:8). The Meccan migrants who were deprived of their possessions, on the other hand, were praised with the pulaaku of endurance when God said: “the unthinking man accounteth them wealthy because of their restraint. Thou shalt know them by their mark: they do not beg of men with importunity…” (2:273). The Holy Prophet, the epitome of good conduct, shied from expressing his annoyance over the offensive conduct of others towards him: “…Lo. That would cause annoyance to the Prophet, and he would be shy of (asking) you (to go); but God is not shy of the truth.” (22:53) In one of his traditions he was reported saying, “if it does not make you ashamed, do whatever you like.” This tradition supports our assertion that pulaaku, in decrying the ignoble, is a universal human attribute.   Having established that pulaaku, in many respects at least, is not is not restricted to the Fulani, I am now comfortable to hold that the Fula differ from others because he has taken pulaaku a degree, or degrees as someone would claim, higher than how others did. It is the medium of his conduct, and the substratum on which it is anchored. To the Fula, absence of pulaaku defiles the noble of his dignity and its presence could earn a slave the respect of his master.   Examples   Pulaaku, in its simple form, expects a woman not to mention the name of her husband or that of her first child. In case of the first son, both parents, but especially the mother, are expected to ignore him throughout his life. In extreme cases mothers shy from saving their children from risks, including fire or drowning! (I won’t go that far). Parents with sufficient pulaaku will find it difficult to side with their children or relations in case of misunderstanding with others. Pulaaku demands utmost privacy in habits of eating, drinking, sleeping and intercourse. A friend from Dukku once told me how his grandfather used to eat in hiding, so secretly that none of his wives ever saw him eating throughout his life. A Gobir trader (bagobiri) once rebuked me for refusing to be served with Coke outside his shop, along Waff Road, Kaduna. He said: “Ku filani kun ramma mutane”, meaning, “you Fulani have an inferior impression about others.” I explained to him how I have always obeyed this form of pulaaku, until when I decided to break it one day in Abuja, thinking that I was away enough from home. It was not long after I started taking a snack outside a restaurant that I heard an approaching voice saluting me. I raised my head and found, to my utmost shame, that it was a brother to my father in-law. The bagobiri laughed, saying, “And so what if your in-law saw you eating?” He just could not understand why.   The Fula will abhor whatever is discerned as shameful in the society. Lack of remorse is considered as antithesis of pulaaku. In times of deprivation, it is shameful to ask anyone, including his relations. Begging is taboo. As one of his proverbs signifies: there is enough shame when a request is granted; where it is not, the shame cannot be described. If you would ask him, as a guest in your house: “Do you mind some food?”, no matter his condition, he will certainly reply with a smile, saying, “mi haari.” (I am okay).   If he will receive a gift (he does reluctantly and sometimes only to avoid embarrassing the donor), he will add, “hai! torra non?” (What! Why suffer so much?). Thereafter, even if he is a child, he will hurriedly disappear, because he feels ashamed to receive something from someone. He must be seen to be self-sufficient. That is why, a child is stopped from visiting a house where he will be given gifts. He must also not eat from another house. The adult would usually boycott, wherever possible, people who offer him gifts. He concurs with al Motanabbi who held that generosity buys the noble but encourages the poor-minded to rebel.   Pulaaku demands resilience. Enough of it is expressed in the annual festival that is called sharo in Hausaland. There, the Fula will bare his chest to be beaten by any challenger in the crowd. As the fresh stick of the attacker awfully tears his skin apart to expose his flesh before the viewing public, he neutralises the sympathy of his spectators with beautiful smiles and cheerful jubilation. Many times, hit on one side of the chest, he will challenge his opponent further by turning the other side. He will retire from the occasion to prepare for a hurtful revenge the following week.   While some cultures celebrate the proof of their daughter’s virginity the morning following her first intercourse as a bride, Pulaaku demands that the Fula to conceal even her pregnancy, especially the first one, until it is impossible to do so any longer. And when she comes to deliver a child, she must do so quietly. Even a sick child should not complain of pain by crying. This is where an Arab will shout, wa musibataaaa, or wailiiii, or yaa naass, yaa khooooy… and the Hausa will cry, “wayyoooo Allah…” There are no such words in fulfulde, at all.   The dying should also bid farewell to the world quietly. The loss of anything, a son or a property, should not warrant the slightest discomfiture. A mother is denied the tears that would sooth her eyes from the pain caused by the death of her child or husband, no matter the attachment she had for him. On such occasion, the Persian will be piercing his head with a knife; and the Arab will throw dust over his head and cry, “ya khasrataaaa...”   I think the point has sufficiently been made, given these illustrations, that few cultures, if any, as we said before, will be ready to take their pulaaku to this extent.   Origin   We may be tempted to ascribe pulaaku to religion, since all religions preach endurance, self-denial and so on. What a convenience! If it were so, we will expect to find a strong correlation between pulaaku and the religiosity of the individual Fula. On the contrary, pulaaku is also practiced impressively by those naturalis who care very little about religion. It is therefore safer to see it as a purely cultural trait among the Fula, which Islam has in some instances condemned or tolerated, and encouraged in most others. It is like the tradition of generosity among pre-Islamic Arabs, which I remember the author of Meccan Crucible was able to trace back to their Jahiliyya customs.   I will argue that pulaaku, to the extent that the Fula practises it, is a habit that was cultivated or rather derived from his nomadic life. The features of pulaaku are the most deficient properties in modern technological societies. Thus the more traditional a society is, at least in the Powelian paradigm of social science, the more will its culture be characterised by generosity, hospitality, selflessness, and so on. Conversely, the more advanced a society is technologically, the lesser will it be characterised by such traditional values.   This argument is more plausible in capitalist societies due to the enormous social pressures that their exploitative mode of production provokes. In traditional societies however, the means of production and distribution are simple: resources are readily supplied by nature and require little processing or marketing before they are consumed.   The nomadic state of the Fula, in other words, is what generally granted him the liberty of selflessness. Their farming system permits self-sufficiency, extensively using shifting cultivation and mixed farming. Their close marital practice produce unified communities whose members are closely related. Under such circumstance, sacrifice becomes easier, if not natural.   It is now easy to understand why the Fula, over a long period, is stripped of his pulaaku anytime he settles to face the harsh realities of urban life. If his abundance remains, like where he maintains a large herd of cattle, the likelihood of his pulaaku remaining is higher. But if he has to capture his livelihood from amidst the thick air of competition, like through contracts and marketing, then he will soon realize that pulaaku will be a detriment to his survival above the margin of poverty. He would also learn to save his small hard-earned resources for himself because there is none who will come to his aid, as any other person is trying to work out his own survival arithmetic. In the absence of his cattle, farm, fruits, rivers and space, over generations, preference to self becomes irresistible, if not inevitable.   The courage component of the Fula’s pulaaku can easily be traced to the necessity of self-defence in his nomadic state. This is a habit he shares with other cultures that grew under conditions of seclusion. The Arabs were equally courageous, until when they learnt how to enjoy the sanctuary of sedentary life and to indulge in the luxuries of the nations they conquered. Today, they cannot raise even a finger against Israel, in protest to the atrocities it is committing against their Palestinian brothers.   Benefits   From a utilitarian perspective, what benefit has the Fula derived from his Pulaaku? The benefits, I believe, are many but we will restrict ourselves here to three. One, internally, it ensures peaceful coexistence among members of the genus. With pulaaku, there is a good understanding among the members of the genus as to the standard pattern of their behaviour. It is the normative law. Also, by restraining the self from eyeing the property of others, pulaaku has helped to demobilize the greatest precursor to quarrels – the struggle to acquire what belongs to others.   Two, externally, pulaaku has made it easier for the Fula to be accepted by other people. Without it, his nomadic life would have been difficult. Here he differs from other nomads. The Jew, for example, is mainly preoccupied with how to acquire what belongs to others. If he has ninety-nine sheep, he will plan to snatch the only sheep belonging to his brother. Greed is the hallmark of Jewish trade and a fundamental article of his association with others. On the contrary, pulaaku asserts self-sufficiency that is achieved and maintained through honourable means. Where deprivation visits the Fula, he is expected to overcome it without revealing his secrets to others. He would rather die than beg. With this self-pride, others found him a guest enough light to accommodate easily, and who does not pose much threat to their possessions. Men will remain amiable, according to Machiavelli, so long as they do not show interest in the wealth and women of others.   Thirdly, the Fula demesticus has found pulaaku important in his leadership role. In the various parts he settled in West Africa, apart from farming, he has also engaged in scholarship and administration. Pulaaku is necessary to both professions. To become a good leader, self-sacrifice and trust are indispensable qualities. To be a formidable scholar, self-denial is necessary. And pulaaku supplies the Fula with both habits in abundance. He thus finds the commandments of Islam regarding these matters easy to follow. This might have contributed to the acceptance of Shehu Danfodio in Hausaland. The caliphate that he established enjoyed the respect of the people as long as the leadership was ready to live by those qualities. How long they did so is a question that only historians can best answer.   Erosion   Unfortunately, this fundamental identity of the Fula, much of which is praiseworthy, is fast becoming eroded in the genus. Among the Fula domesticus, very little of it is left; and even among the naturalis, it is increasingly becoming difficult to sustain. The selflessness of Fula leaders is falling far short of the measure of pulaaku. They have put their interest and that of their children first, and failed to attend to the problems of their subjects. They loot the treasury as much as others do; the difference between them, except in few cases, is marginal. The misconduct of some of their daughters, especially some of those brought up in the GRAs and who have become bereft of shame and shyness, is enough to make their grandparents in the villages faint or go berserk.   The present habits of many naturalis is not better than that of his doemesticus brother. They are also finding it difficult to keep trust. Some of them run away with cattle that others kept in their custody. Some are involved in petty habits like theft. Worst is what we have been learning for the past five years about their participation in armed robbery and banditry. Do not mention alcohol and other vices. I remember a goge artiste who used to perform in our village on market days. One of his songs was: “Karyar wade-wade ta kare ga dan Fulani na sai da giya”, meaning, “pulaaku is finished since we have a Fulani selling alcohol.” I wonder what he would say today, were he alive.   These are the reasons why I strongly hold the view that pulaaku is endangered. Its decline among the Fula when the country needs it most to overcome predicaments triggered by avarice is deeply lamentable.   Solution   It is difficult to practice all the ramifications of pulaaku in the present world of political boundaries – local and international – that exacerbate poverty by limiting movement and restricting the economic choices of the individual; of growing predominance of capitalism and its values; and finally, of acculturation through western education. Fighting against these factors is like standing in the way of a flood.   Nevertheless, we must know that facing the flood is better and more honourable than drowning in it. It will take the capitalist societies to nowhere. Such societies will sooner or later revert or their civilization will perish, for no civilization lasts by living on bizarre exploitation and unguarded avarice like theirs.   My prescription is a simple pill. In a struggle between civilizations, like in fighting against a flood, it is wiser to hold on to a firm support. I am referring to systems that are more enduring, that are held at higher esteem and that possess higher values than those of traditions inherited from ancestors.   Here, Islam comes handy, to the Fula and the non-Fula alike. Fortunately, the Fula have accepted it very long ago. Therefore, it is unnecessary for them to return to the old pulaaku that was passed through ancestry. When they practice it under Islam, in obedience to God, they will be executing His commandments for which they will be rewarded in this world and in the Hereafter. It will delight many readers to note that Islam has made sufficient provisions for all the praiseworthy properties of pulaaku, and much more. A devout Muslim will flout pulaaku only in few respects, all of which are unnecessary. If he follows the traditions of the prophet, he will be able to drop the terrible and the tedious in his old definition to adopt simpler versions that will endure the aggression of external values. By this, we are most assured that the values we cherish in pulaaku will live to be inherited by our distant progenies. God said: “Lo! this Quran guideth unto that which is straightest..” (17:9) Regarding the traditions of the Prophet, they have emanated from someone described by God in the best of testimonies: “And Lo. You are of great conduct.” (68:4).   Readers, that was pulaaku. Those were the threats to its survival. And this is Islam; its best saviour against the formidable flood of urbanization and capitalism. No other system will offer the Fula a better alternative. With it, wherever we go, we do not believe that we have missed anything that is praiseworthy in our heritage. Neither will we lose touch with nature for Islam is built on nature. We feel at home.   Source : Dr Aliyu tilde http://www.gamji.com/tilde/NEWS1112.htm
    Jul 30, 2016 237
  • 09 Jul 2016
    Duniya Hande Tawi en ha babal wala naii, wala gene, wala lekki. Duniya ardi men, ko en vowi na hanjum be wadata, ko en andino warti tarihi defte.No duniya waylata to en waylay e majum, Yahugo yeso en majjitai. Kala leddi ardi ha yeso fu, fud'orde mabbe andal, Andal d'engal mabbe no 'be vindata, no 'be Jangata. Moyjo Pullo? Pullo wawai fulfulde pullo na? ful'be futa jalon, ful'be muritania, ful'be mali patt ful'be on amma en hebtat nonde fulfulde ma'b'be, 'Dengal amin ferotiri, wala no en vallotira, wala no en jangata defte ma'b'be. En Jangai d'engal faransa, d'engal Jamus,d'engal britania,amma d'engal ful'be fere en wawata. Yadu ful'be ha leddi allah anda kerol, Andal amin fu hanai woda kerol. mi vindi be fulfulde gam mi valla hore am na gam mi hada himbe Jangu go.Kala leddi fu yidini horemun, 'be wati amin ekutugo d'engal mabbe.   Min yetti Allah Jonta e yeso fu. من يْتَّي الله جُمِراؤبِي كُو او هُّكَُِِّّي مْن        
    118 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • Duniya Hande Tawi en ha babal wala naii, wala gene, wala lekki. Duniya ardi men, ko en vowi na hanjum be wadata, ko en andino warti tarihi defte.No duniya waylata to en waylay e majum, Yahugo yeso en majjitai. Kala leddi ardi ha yeso fu, fud'orde mabbe andal, Andal d'engal mabbe no 'be vindata, no 'be Jangata. Moyjo Pullo? Pullo wawai fulfulde pullo na? ful'be futa jalon, ful'be muritania, ful'be mali patt ful'be on amma en hebtat nonde fulfulde ma'b'be, 'Dengal amin ferotiri, wala no en vallotira, wala no en jangata defte ma'b'be. En Jangai d'engal faransa, d'engal Jamus,d'engal britania,amma d'engal ful'be fere en wawata. Yadu ful'be ha leddi allah anda kerol, Andal amin fu hanai woda kerol. mi vindi be fulfulde gam mi valla hore am na gam mi hada himbe Jangu go.Kala leddi fu yidini horemun, 'be wati amin ekutugo d'engal mabbe.   Min yetti Allah Jonta e yeso fu. من يْتَّي الله جُمِراؤبِي كُو او هُّكَُِِّّي مْن        
    Jul 09, 2016 118