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  • 30 Aug 2016
    THE CONCEPT OF PULAAKU MIRROREDIN FULFULDE PROVERBS OF THE GOMBE DIALECT   Rudolf Leger and Abubakar B. Mohammad Introduction The paper gives a brief history of the Fulçe people who are found all overWest and Central Africa. Since no study of a people is complete without mentioning their language, the paper also gives a very brief account of Fulfulde, the language of the Fulçe people. However, the central focus of the paper is the concept of pulaaku, thatunique attribute of the Fulçe that serves as an unwritten code of conduct for all ‘true’ Fulçe. Pulaaku is Fulçe’s guiding principle in their dealings with their fellow Fulçe as well as with all other people.   Rather than talk about pulaaku in isolation, however, the paper tries to mirror it through Fulfulde proverbs. Coded or loaded messages called wise-sayings or proverbs are widely used in all languages. Fulfulde is particularly rich in this, which is why the paper explores this reservoir of knowledge in trying to portray the rich culture of the Fulçe people. The corpus of proverbs from which the selected proverbs come, was compiled in and around Gombe with the help of Mallam Bappayo Bappa Yerima Djibril.Since the Fulçe are easily the most dispersed people in Africa, no singlestudy can do real justice to all of them. This is why this study narrows itsscope to cover just the Fulçe of Gombe area of the northeastern of Nigeria. The Fulçe: A brief history The area covered by the Benue-Gongola-Chad Basin has been rightly described as “a zone of ethnic and linguistic compression”, owing to the convergence of various peoples into the area from times immemorial(JUNGRAITHMAYR & LEGER, 1993:165). A relatively recent migration into this region, however, took place in the eighteenth and the beginning of the last century (HOGBEN & KIRK-GREENE 1966:429f.). This was the period of Fulçe incursion into the heart of the Hausaland and Borno. They subsequently spread to as far as Gombe and Yola and even further into the Cameroon (TEMPLE 1919/1965:398). This peaceful incursion was interrupted in 1804 when, under the leadership of Usman Ãan Fodiyo, the Fulçe of Sokoto revolted against the Chief of Gobir. A ‘Jihad’ was then declared by the Fulçe and their Muslim supporters, which succeeded in overthrowing the traditional overlords throughout the Hausaland and beyond. The ‘Jihad’ had very farreaching consequences, which not only affected religious movements, but also political, economic and intellectual factors were involved. It also had a great impact on the linguistic situation and ethnic structures of the autochthonous people living there. The Fulçe themselves were perhaps the most affected.Whilst the ‘Cattle Fulçe’ had remained much as they were, the ‘Town Fulçe’ found themselves in positions of power and responsibility. Some of them became Emirs, District Chiefs, Village Heads and wealthy private individuals.The importance of language to the culture of a people has compelled us to include the Fulfulde language in our study. This is in addition to paying a closer attention to their complex ways of life - their ethics, beliefs and cultural behaviour. It is believed that a ruling class is always highly regarded within a multiethnic and multicultural society. Consequently, the ethnic group, to which the ruling class belongs, is often imitated or even copied by the other groups out of respect and admiration.   The Fulçe and their language. The Fulçe, whose population can roughly be estimated at 10 to 15 millionspeakers (cf. GOTTSCHLIGG 1992:1, 24 million now 2007) are found scattered over the whole of West and Central Africa up to the shores of the Red Sea. The original homeland of the Fulçe is believed to have been the middle Senegal River valley and the adjacent Futa Toro Savannah (ARMSTRONG 1978:9; MURDOCK 1959:413-414). From there in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Fulçe began their great migration towards the south and east, whereby today the fringes of their Diaspora lie in southern Mauritania, in the west to as far east as the Sudan(ARNOTT 1970:1). The classification of their language, Fulfulde, was a controversial subject. Many contradictory theories have been propounded, three ofwhich can be summarised as follows (ABU-MANGA 1986:3). • Fulfulde is a (pre-) Hamitic or Semito-Hamitic language, whose nominalclass system developed under strong influences of (West-)African languages (MEINHOF 1911:18f., 1912:2, 14f.; MUKAROVSKY 1980:125f.).• Fulfulde is a (Hamito-)Semitic language, which shares genetic origins with Arabic and Hebrew (ENGESTRÖM 1954:21). • Fulfulde is a West African language, belonging to the West Atlantic group of the Niger-Kordofanian language family (GREENBERG 1963:28). This is the most recognised and popular classification. An even more complex question than that of its classification concerns the different dialects of Fulfulde, whose distinctive features have only been partially described (cf. LEGER 1998:323f.) Based on ARNOTT (1970:3) and GOTTSCHLIGG (1992:50), six main dialect areas can be distinguished:   1.Futa Tooro (Senegal), 2. Futa Jaloo (Guinea), 3. Maasina (Mali), 4. Sokoto and Western Niger, 5. ‘Central’ (northern Nigeria and eastern Niger) 6.Adamaawa.   Nevertheless ARNOTT (cf. 1970) admits that dialectal bordersoverlap and agrees that: „The demarcation of dialects is inevitably an arbitrary process, especially in view of the mobility of the nomadic Fulani“. In addition, we have to take into account the mutual borrowing between Fulfulde and its neighbouring languages, as well as the multilingualism of the majority of Fulçe. This also plays an important role when studying Fulfulde dialects. The concept of pulaaku „Pulaaku is an abstract noun formed from the root ‘ful-‘ from which are other terms (like): Pullo, Fulçe (a Fulani, Fulanis), Fulfulde (the language, Fula), and pulaade (to act like a Fulani) are also derived.“ (RIESMAN 1977:127). pulaaku therefore means „the qualities appropriate to a Fulani“ (cf. RIESMAN 1977:127).                                                                                                                                          Abu Manga (not published) describes pulaaku with all its ideals as „the cornerstone of the Fulani culture“ and cites a proverb in which dignity,one of the highest aspects of pulaaku, is illustrated: NeÃÃaaku Ãum nebbam to rufi çoftataako“ (‘Dignity is like oil, once split it cannot be redeemed’). However, by far the most comprehensive definition of pulaaku is given inVEREECKE (1986:98) „Pulaaku specifies the actual rules or guidelines for appropriate behaviour and presentation of self, as well as a series of virtues and personal attributes, which may be viewed as rewards for behaving like a Pullo.“ In other words, pulaaku ‘is a Fulbe-exclusive marker.’ Although the concept of pulaaku is a universal one, common to all Fulçe wherever they may be, the extent of its use by the Fulçe varies from one dialectal area to another or, indeed, from one person to another, depending on his exposure, or lack of it, to non-Fulçe values and influences.As a matter of fact, some aspects of pulaaku have proved to be inimical to social interaction. For example, a Pullo would rather remain hungry than partake freely in food and drinks at a party. More serious still is when the fear of losing one’s pulaaku stops a Pullo from sending his children to school to acquire Western education. This has tended to make the Fulçe very conservative in their general worldview.There are many different aspects of pulaaku. If a person displays any ofthem he will be regarded as a Pullo or be liken to one. VEREECKE (1986: 98), for instance, reports that up to 15 components of pulaaku were identified in a study they undertook. Naturally, these components vary considerably in their occurrence and applicability. This is to say that it is rare, if not impossible, for any one individual Pullo to display all of them.However, for the purpose of this paper, only five of the most prominentcomponents of pulaaku will be discussed. Each of them will be illustrated by two or more appropriate Fulfulde proverbs. This is followed by a brief explanation of each of the proverbs. Some of the Fulfulde proverbs that mirror pulaaku. Collins English Dictionary defines a proverb as „a short memorable, and often highly condensed saying, embodying, especially with bold imagery, some commonplace facts of experience’. Every language has its own proverbs that are peculiar to it, and Fulfulde is no exception. For the purpose of this study, a careful selection of those Fulfulde proverbs that best exemplify the concept of pulaaku has been made. Semteende This is by far the most important component of pulaaku. It is also the most easily noticed; but not so easy to define. Its literal meaning is ‘shamefulness’.However, such terms as ‘being reserved’ or ‘shy’ will be less pejorative. It is expected of a true Pullo to display this characteristic. Among the proverbs that best depict semteende are the following: a. Torii heçii maa noye hakko toroo heçaayi?(To be granted one’s request is shameful enough, let alone when the request is turned down.) To the Pullo, it is very degrading to beg or request for something from someone. It is much more honourable for him to suppress such an urge no matter how pressing it might be. This is one of the attributes that may be harmful to the Pullo since it makes him keep to himself in a socially undesirable isolation. The most positive aspect of the concept of ‘semteendé’ is that it teacheshumility and self-denial. A Pullo who displays it will never be boastful andselfish.b. To honnduko nyaamii gite boo semta.(If the mouth has eaten, then the mouth must feel ashamed (expresses only gratitude).This proverb advises people who receive favours from someone that theyshould show deference as a sign of gratitude. It is absolutely necessary for one to openly display his pleasure and gratitude in return for favours and kindness received.c. Koo moye dura Ãi yeeso muuÃum. (Let everyone take care of what is in front of him.)This proverb is saying that one should mind one’s business and not to poke one’s nose into other people’s business. Most people do not take it kindly when they are given unsolicited advice. This is why a Pullo, in order to avoid being told off, tries to mind his own business. Munyal This can be interpreted to mean patience, tolerance or perseverance. It is expected of a Pullo to display this quality. Some of the proverbs that best depictMunyal include the following:a. No ndiyam luggiri fuu woodi njaareendi(No matter how deep a body of water is, there is fine sand at the bottom.)The proverb teaches us that whatever difficulty we may face, there will be relief in the end, if only we persevere. It is expected of a Pullo to display a high degree of perseverance. He must not always expect quick results or easy solutions to problems. "It was reported that once a Pullo came across a group of people surrounding a dead body near a river. By way of commiserating with the people, he asked what the cause of the death was. He was drowned in the river because he did not know how to swim. That was the reply. Why didn’t he go round the river? So asked the Pullo. How long do you think that would take? replied the people. How long will it take him to lie here? Said the Pullo."This short anecdote testifies not only to the Pullo’s witticism but also to his tremendous capacity for perseverance. b. Goonga hiiÃay hiddeko ko jaçee.(The truth will become old before people accept it.) The proverb is warning us not to expect people to readily accept the truth. It takes them a long time before they realise what it is. So, be prepared to give them time! The need for patience is therefore of paramount importance. c. Uumaaka çurii mbolwaaka.(What is groaned about surpasses what is spoken about.) When seemingly healthy people groan, it is a sign that they are carrying the burden of what worries them. In other words, there is more than meets the eyes, as it were. This also means that complaining and grumbling about an issue does not always help matters.EnÃam The meaning of this aspect of pulaaku is being kind and affectionate, especially to one’s own relations or kindred. The proverbs that depict enÃam include:a. Ko meemi kine fuu meemii gite.(Whatever affects the nose, affects the eyes also.) This proverb teaches us that whatever affects one’s family members or close friends also affects one. So, one rejoices with them when they are happy and commiserates with them when they are sad. In short, it teaches us to be humane, compassionate and to have flow-feeling. b. KoÃo Ãum ndiyam ndoggoojam.(A visitor is like run-off water.)This proverb is calling on us to be kind to our guests because they are as transient as the run-off water. It is therefore advisable to be much as nice to thembas possible while they are still with us. Ngorgu The literal meaning of ngorgu is ‘manliness’. It also means bravery. Theproverbs that depict ngorgu include the following:a. GiÃÃo çokkon colli doole yaaça gi’e.(He who goes after birds’ nests must be prepared to tread on thorns.) The proverb makes it clear that one has to labour first before one enjoys the fruits of one’s labour. In other words, ‘duty first before pleasure’, as the saying goes. b. Sollaare teppere çurii nde pooçe. (The dust on the heels is better than the one on the buttocks.) This proverb is saying that when you are on your feet it is the heels that become dusty; but if you are sitting down, it is the buttocks that become dusty.The message, therefore, is one must not be lazy, but be up and doing. NeÃÃaaku The meaning of neÃÃaaku is dignity or self-respect. The proverbs that best depict this aspect of pulaaku include:a. Nyaami haaraayi, çiiri haaray na?(If after eating, one is not full, will licking the bowl make one full?)This proverb admonishes against doing something that is beneath one’sdignity. According to Fulçe custom, grown ups and children do not normally eat from the same bowl. The grown ups must not eat all the food in their bowl; they must leave something for the children. This is referred to as çiirol or ‘licking’. b. Ndikka toraaki e wujjuki. (It is better to beg than to steal.)To a Pullo, begging is too lowering. However, if a choice is to be made, naturally, begging is far more honourable and, needless to say, legal. Conclusion A paper as short as this cannot do full justice to the concept pulaaku, no matter how much one tries to condense it. Neither can justice be done to Fulfulde proverbs for exactly the same reason. The corpus of Fulfulde proverbs is such that volumes could be written out of it, if that were the intention. However, it is our sincere belief that, if nothing else, the paper has succeeded in whetting the appetite of those interested in Fulçe studies generally, and in pulaaku and Fulçe proverbs, in particular. References. ABU-MANAGA, A.-A. (1986): Fulfulde in the Sudan: Process of Adaptation to Arabic. Berlin.ABU-MANGA, A.-A. (no date): The concept of ‘woman’ in Fulani narratives. Unpublished paper, read at the First Annual Congress of Nigerian Folklore Society Sept. 27th – 30th 1981 in Kano. ARMSTRONG, R.G. 1978: Development of Fulani Studies: A linguist’s view. In: H.Jungraithmayr (ed.), Struktur und Wandel afrikanischer Sprachen. S. 7-89.Berlin. ARNOTT, D.W. (1970): The Nominal and Verbal Systems of Fula. Oxford.ENGESTRÖM, T. (1954): Apport à la théorie des origines du peuple et de la langue peulhe. Stockholm. GOTTSCHLIGG, P. (1992): Verbale Valenz und Kasus im Ful. Wien.GREENBERG, J.H. (1963): Languages of Africa. The Hague.HOGBEN, S.J. and A.H.M. KIRK-GREENE (1966): The Emirates of Northern Nigeria– A Preliminary Survey of their Historical Traditions. London.JUNGRAITHMAYR, H. and R. LEGER (1993): The Benue-Gongola-Chad Basin – Zone of ethnic and linguistic compression. Berichte des Sonderforschungsbereichs 268, Bd. 2, S. 161-172. Frankfurt am Main.LEGER, R. (1997): Tongue Twisters in Gombe Fulfulde. In: R. Leger (ed.), FulfuldeStudien – Fula Studies, Frankfurter Afrikanistische Blätter 9, S. 79-86.LEGER, R. (1998): Noun Classes in Fulfulde: The ‘Pulaar’ of Guinea and the ‘Fulfulde’ of Sudan. In: V. Vydrine et A. Kibrik (éd.), La Langue,L’Afrique, Les Peuls. Recucil d’articles dédiés a Antonina Koval, p. 323-334. St. Petersbourg – Moscou.MEINHOF, C. (1911): Das Ful in seiner Bedeutung für die Sprachen der Hamiten,Semiten und Bantu. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 65, p.177-220. MEINHOF, C. (1912): Die Sprache der Hamiten. Hamburg.MUKAROVSKY, H. (1980): Contribution à l’histoire des langues peul, sérèr et wolof.Itinérances I, p. 13-149. MURDOCK, G.P. (1959): Africa, its Peoples and their Culture History. New York.RIESMAN, P. (1977): Freedom in Fulani Social Life. Chicago.TEMPLE, C.L. (ed.) (1919, 1922, 1965): Notes on the Tribes, Provinces, Emirates and States of the Northern Provinces of Nigeria. Compiled from Official Reports by O. Temple – Liverpool. VEREECKE, C. (1986): pulaaku: Ethnic Identity Among the Adamawa Fulbe. Annals of Bornu III.
    11637 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • 27 May 2016
    A GLANCE AT LAMIBE (Emirs) MURI - by Misa Njidda 2007 PREFACE This piece, A glance at Lamibe Muri, is deliberately intended to briefly educate the reader on the times and genealogy of the Hammaruwa Kingdom, known today as the Muri Emirate. The scope of the work is narrowly focused on the appointments and succession of the twelve (12) Emirs that ruled Muri since its inception as a Kingdom in 1817. It will also enable the reader to know the 3rd class chiefs under the 21st Century in Muri. It is hoped that the simple structure of the contents will equip those of us who are not students of History with an idea of the genealogy of Lamibe Muri. I am indeed grateful to those whose work has helped in the production of this booklet. I am particularly indebted to Professor Abubakar Sa’ad the author of “Lamibe of Fombina” and “papers on Nigeria History”, A.H.M kirk-Greene the author of “Adamawa past and present” and also the 12th Emir of Muri; HRH Abbas Njidda Tafida whose leadership acumen, action and philosophies since ascension to the throne has greatly inspired me to produce this booklet. Finally, but by no means the least, my profound gratitude goes to Alhaji Sa’adu Abubakar (Late Wazirin Muri), Malama Hauwa Yerima Sanda, Professor Ahmed Usman Jalingo, Alhaji Abdullahi Wamban Muri, Late Malam Hamasani Kona, Late Barayan Muri, Justice Isa Mangaji, Late Patrick Noma Jen, Dr. Abbas Bashir Mafindi, Galadima Muri, Alhaji Tukur Abba Tukur as well as the Secretary to Muri Emirate Council, Alhaji Saidu Usman Gassol and my noble family and friends for their valuable inspiration and support. Misa Njidda Jan. 2007 BRIEF HISTORY OF LAMIBE MURI 1817 – 2006 Known in the 9th century as Hammanruwa Kingdom, the Emirate of Muri was founded in 1817 during the revolutionary movement of the Jihadist – Usman b. Fodio. Muri Emirate lies on both sides of the River Benue in North-eastern part of Nigeria with it’s modern day Headquarters at Jalingo, the capital city of Taraba State. The 1926 reorganization of Northern Nigeria provinces mapped the Muri province with it’s territorial control extended to Ibi, Wase and Shendam areas. The Muri Emirate has had a total of 12 Emirs inclusive of the Millennium ruler Alhaji Abbas Tafida Njidda. MODIBBO HAMMARUWA (1817 – 1833) Modibbo Hammaruwa, who was a younger brother to Lamido Buba Yero of Gombe and Lamido Hammadu of Tibati ( Now in Cameroun Republic), was the founder and first ruler who settled in Muri town situated on the Northern bank of River Benue presently in Karim-Lamido L.G.A of Taraba State. Lamido Hammaruwa had as at 1817 conquered the greater part of today’s Muri Emirate except Wase and Bakundi. He played great role during the Jihad of Usman Danfodio (1817 - 18) leading to the spread of Islam . He ruled for 17 years and died at Gombe in 1833.   LAMIDO IBRAHIM b. HAMMARUWA (1833 – 1848) Lamido Ibrahim B. Hammaruwa succeeded his father Lamido Hammaruwa and ruled from 1833 – 1848. At about 1836, he developed a psychological problem until 1848 when he became insane and was deposed and succeeded by his elder brother Hamman b. Hammaruwa.   LAMIDO HAMMAN b. HAMMARUWA (1848 – 1861) Lamido Hamman’s reign was characterized by internal wrangling involving his son Burba and his Nephew Hammadu, the son of the founder of Gassol, Bose. Lamido Hamman’s reign witnessed the conquering of Jibu by one of his Commanders called Kuso while Aliyu and Bula founded settlements in present day Bantaje and Ibi in 1885. He ruled for 13 years and was deposed in 1861 and later died at Mayo-Ranewo town of Ardo-kola L.G.A, Taraba State.   LAMIDO HAMMADU b. BOSE b. HAMMARUWA (1861 – 1869) Hammadu, the son of Bose who died in 1833 along with his father Modibbo Hammaruwa at Gombe, was popularly chosen from Gassol as successor to the deposed Lamido Hamman in 1861. He lived part of his time in Muri but moving to Gassol, Sendirde and Wuriyo towns where he appointed his sons to administer the towns, while his eldest son Umaru Sanda took charge of Muri at his absence. It was at this time that, Hammadu’s cousin and an old rival, Burba went further South wards and founded Bakundi. Lamido Hammadu b. Bose ruled for 8 years and died in 1869.   LAMIDO BURBA b. HAMMAN (1869 – 1873) On receiving the news on the death of Lamido Hammadu, the Caliphate in Sokoto directed that Abubakar, the son of Hammaruwa should be appointed Emir, but Muri people rejected him and instead appointed the rebellious Burba. Lamido Burba, the son of Lamido Hamman (1848-1861) was chosen from Bakundi by the Muri people. To consolidate his power, Burba had to grapple with the threat of Lamido Hammadu’s three sons (from Gassol, Sendirde and Wuryo) who had come to Muri town as claimants of the throne. However, four years later (1873), Gassol once again revolted and before Burba could punish them, he developed a mental problem and was deposed in 1873. When he regain soundness later, he then returned to his old home at Bakundi and remained as an independent ruler paying direct tribute to Sokoto before his death in 1892. Burba ruled Muri for four years (1869-1873)...   LAMIDO BAKARI b. HAMMARUWA (1873 – 1874) Bakari (Abubakar) who was earlier (1869) nominated by the Sultan of Sokoto but rejected by the Fulbe Muri in favor of Burba was appointed to succeed his Nephew in 1873 as the sixth Lamido of Muri. Lamido Bakari ruled for seven months and died. He was succeeded by his son, Muhammadu Nya in 1874.   LAMIDO MUHAMMADU NYA b. BAKARI (1874 – 1896) Muhammadu Nya popularly known as Lamido Jatau succeeded his father to become the seventh Emir of Muri in 1874. On assumption to the throne, he established friendliness with his deposed cousin Burba of Bakundi and together they combined forces to ensure proper control of Lamdo Hammadu’s sons in Gassol. Lamido Jatau was the one who signed the first treaty with the Europeans i.e. National African Company (Formerly Royal Niger Company) in 1893. apart from being the longest reigned Emir (22 years) of the 19th century Muri, Lamido Jatau had in early 1893 moved the Emirate headquarters to Jalingo (a town that had triumph) which was initially called Sangere (War Camp). Lamido Jatau died at Jalingo in June 1896 and was succeeded by his eldest son Hassan.   LAMIDO HASSAN b. MUHAMMADU NYA (1897 – 1903) After the death of Lamido Jatau, the Emirate witnessed minor succession problem in that, while the army and the Karaga “supported Hassan (eldest Son), the Fulbe preferred Hamman Mafindi. However, when the then Ajiyan Muri, Njidda, threw his weight behind Hassan , the problem was resolved and Hassan become the eight Lamido of Muri. Lamido Hassan then moved to Jalingo from Mutum-Biyu, where he had settled in 1895 and was formally investitured by the Sultan in September 1897. it was during his reign that Muri was declared (1901) part of the British Protectorate of Northern Nigeria after that of Sokoto (1900), by the British High Commissioner, Fredrick D. Lugard. Lamido Hassan died at Jalingo in 1903 and was succeeded by his brother Hamman Mafindi.   LAMIDO HAMMAN MAFINDI b. MUHAMMADU NYA (1903 – 1953) Hamman Mafindi who was the Tafidan Muri succeeded his brother Hassan b. Muhammadu Nya in 1903. After the death of Hassan, Mafindi moved to Jalingo from Mbanga where, he stayed after the political asylum granted him by Lamido Zubairu of Fombina (Yola). Traditional has it that he sat in silent prayers in the middle of the Mosque, conspicuous to all but conversing with none, until the council members became so anxious about the act and appointed him to the throne and was later installed at Lau. After about seven years (1903-1910) of ruler ship, Mafindi moved the Emirate headquarters from Lau to Mutum Biyu and appointed his eldest son, Madu as Danburam to oversee Jalingo District. Lamido Mafindi’s time saw the expansion of commercial activities and education (establishment of the First Primary School (Muhammadu Nya) in 1926), external relations, discipline and the reorganization and or creation of more districts e.g. the transfer of Sansani District to Gassol from Ibi Division in 1912. in addition to being the longest serving ruler (1903-53) of the 20th Century Muri, he was also the first to receive the C.B.E (1931) and C.M.G. (1946) awards for his notable services as recognized by the Colonial Masters.He died and was succeeded by his younger brother Muhammadu Tukur in 1953.   LAMIDO MUHAMMADU TUKUR b. NYA (1953 –1965) Tukur who was the district head of Wurkum (Karim Lamido) since inception, succeeded his brother, Mafindi, to become the tenth Emir in 1953. He introduced certain reforms and projects aimed at developing Muri. Lamido Tukur’s time saw the era of politics in which indigenes of Muri Secured representatives positions and appointments in the Regional and Central Government of Nigeria. He has worked towards building on what his predecessor has founded particularly in commerce and education. The first general hospital (now Federal Medical Centre), Jalingo was establish during his tutelage of Muri in 1963. LAMIDO UMARU ABBA b. MUHAMMADU TUKUR MFR (1965 – 1986) After the death of Tukur, his son who was then Parliamentary Minister in the Northern Nigeria Government of Sir Ahmadu Bello (Sardauna Sokoto) was appointed as the eleventh Emir of Muri in 1965. His time saw the establishment of more schools, hospitals, commercial activities, the creation of Local Government within the Emirate and upgrading of same to first class status in 1983, as well as the attainment for the first time of a governor by an indigene of Muri (Gov. A. Barde of Gongola State) in 1979. He was also awarded order of the Federal Republic (OFR) by the Federal Government of Nigeria for his notable services. Lamido Umaru Abba was deposed in 1986. LAMIDO ABBAS b. TAFIDA NJIDDA MAFINDI (1988 – DATE) Lamido Abbas succeeded his uncle, Lamido Umaru Abba Tukur, 2 years after the latter’s deposition (1986) by Governor Yohanna Madaki of then Gongola State. Lamido Abbas is then grandson of Lamido Mafindi (9th Emir of Muri), son of Lamido Nya (Jatau) the founder of Jalingo. Abbas Tafida’s reign is one of the most remarkable among those of his predecessors in that he had stayed on the throne without the official installation for 18 yeas (1988 – 2006). Lamido Abbas reign has so far witnessed great achievements in Muri e.g creation of Taraba State with Headquarters in Jalingo, creation of more L.G.As within Muri, establishment of more schools (e.g. Centre for Excellence, Jalingo), support for orphans and widows, expansion of commercial activities and agriculture as well as youth empowerment through vocational skills acquisition and scholarship awards program. He has also being educating the people of Muri on public health particularly HIV/AIDS and National program on immunization. Lamido Abbas Tafida was born in 1953 at Jalingo. He attended Mohammadu Nya Primary School, Jalingo from 1961 – 67 after which he proceeded to the famous Government College Keffi and later A.B.U. Zaria where he graduated with a Bachelors Degree in Business Admin. In 1977. He had also attended a Post Graduate Diploma in Financial Management at the African Dev. Bank, Abidjan (1981 – 82) and Post Graduate Diploma in Chain Management at Green Beheld Smith and Co., London (1982 – 83). Alhaji Abbas Attended his National Service (NYSC) with the Kwara State Government (1977 – 1978) after which he joined Lever Brothers Nigeria. Ltd. (1978 - 1979). He also worked with the New Nigeria Development Company (NNDC) 1979 – 1983 and was appointed Managing Director of Nigeria Hotels (1983 – 1988) from where he was appointed the 12th Emir of Muri on 12th July, 1988. Lamido Abbas Tafida who is being installed (Thursday 25th January, 2006) is a man of principle and doughty philosophy that made him admired by his people. Above all, Lamido Abbas is well versed in Islamic Theology that made him place the fear of God first, in his dealings with people and in all endeavors.   PICTURES OF EMIRS AND CHIEFS The 3rd Class Chief of Muri Emirate The following are former district of Muri Emirate which were upgraded to Chiefdom s (3rd class) by the Governor Jolly T. Nyame reforms on Chieftaincy in Taraba State, 2006. Chiefdom 3rd Class Chief 1. Bakundi HRH Muhammadu Gidado Misa 2. Dakka HRH Yusuf Manga Ganwari 3. Gassol HRH Idris Yakubu Chiroma 4. Kwajji HRH Buba Nyala 5. Lau HRH Abubakar Umar Danburam 6. Mummuye HRH Ado Adamu Mazang 7. Mutum-Biyu HRH Suleiman Duna 8. Old Muri HRH Abdullahi Chiroma 9. Wurkum HRH Abubakar Haruna Karim FOR THE RECORDS 1.Zing Chiefdom which was formally under Muri Emirate has in 2006 been upgraded to 1st Class Chief and the name of the ruler is His Royal Highness Alhaji Abbas Ibrahim Sambo. 2. There are a total of 7 LGAs under today’s Muri Emirate viz:-Ardo-kola, Bali, Gassol, Jalingo, Karim-lamido,. Lau and Yorro LGAs. 3. Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim Malle was the Wakilin Muri (1986-1988) after the deposition of lamido Umaru Abba Tukur. 4. His Highness Alh. Nuhu Moh’d Bello (Sarkin Sansani – Gassol) and Hammadu Doubeli (Jauro Doubeli – Lau) are the oldest serving village heads having being appointed by Lamido Muhammadu Mafindi in 1952. 5. The renown Professor of History, Abubakar Sa’ad who is the first Professor, Ambassador, in Muri, and is the son of former Wazirin Muri (Waziri Sa’adu Abubakar). He is also the author of Lamibe of Fombina. 6. The resolution of Taraba State Government to officially install (staff of office) His Royal Highness Alhaji Abbas Njidda Tafida was pronounced during a an Id-el-ftr Sallah Durba at Kofar-Bai on 31st Dec., 2006. 7. The first Executive Governor of Taraba State (Jolly T. Nyame) is a native of Muri Emirate. 8. Lamido Abbas Njidda Tafida was appointed on 12th July,1988 by Governor David Jang (Military) of the defunct Gongola state. 9. The late Lamido Umaru Abba Tukur was the first person to be appointed a cabinet Minister in the history of Muri Emirate. 10. The first formal school in Muri is the Mohammadu Nya Primary School, Jalingo (founded 1926). 11. The first females to be enrolled in Western Schooling system in Muri was Hajiya Hauwa Umar Yerima, Titi Makenzi, Hajiya Hurera Danburam and Hajiya Adamajam Yerima. They were enrolled at Mohammadu Nya Primary School Jalingo in 1940. >> FOR FURTHER INFORMATION AND ADVISE: Please contact the AUTHOR on njiddamisa@mail.com  
    1684 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • 30 Jul 2016
    Pulaaku among the Fula   By    Dr. Aliyu Tilde     info@fridaydiscourse.com   This is the second article on Fulani and their problems in Nigeria. We have sufficiently focussed on language in the previous article last week. Today, we will look at an attribute with which the Fulani are distinguished. It is a feature that is eroding in Nigeria, on one hand as fast as life is becoming difficult for its citizens, and on the other, as gradual as the ruler becomes encapsulated by the norms and adulterations of sedentary life.   We will start with its meaning, then its examples, origins and benefits. Finally we have offered a prescription on how it will be maintained among those who still practice it sufficiently and how those who lost it could recover it.   Meaning   The single feature that cuts across the behaviour of the Fula is what he and others call pulaaku. It is the altruism ((Hausa: kara) that makes him consider the interest of others first, before his. It is also the shyness (Hausa: kunya) that prevents him from enjoying what is lawful like gifts, or prevents him from publicly showing his attachment and concern to a beloved one. It is also the endurance (Hausa: juriya) that enables him to withstand pains and difficulties silently, without complaining. It is also the caution and pride that makes him to avoid anything ignoble and degrading.   Seen from the above perspective, it is difficult to understand why some people would like to see pulaaku as limited to the Fulani. I will rather consider it as one of those traits common to human cultures. All civilizations, if we have the freedom to discount capitalism, consider self-sacrifice praiseworthy, and selfishness blameworthy. All revealed religions preach pulaaku in many of its forms.   In one place, the Medinite companions of the Holy Prophet received the migrant Meccans to their city after the Hijrah with a selflessness that earned them a divine praise. God described them as people who “prefer (the fugitives) above themselves though poverty become their lot. And whoso is saved from his own avarice, such are they who are successful.” (59:8). The Meccan migrants who were deprived of their possessions, on the other hand, were praised with the pulaaku of endurance when God said: “the unthinking man accounteth them wealthy because of their restraint. Thou shalt know them by their mark: they do not beg of men with importunity…” (2:273). The Holy Prophet, the epitome of good conduct, shied from expressing his annoyance over the offensive conduct of others towards him: “…Lo. That would cause annoyance to the Prophet, and he would be shy of (asking) you (to go); but God is not shy of the truth.” (22:53) In one of his traditions he was reported saying, “if it does not make you ashamed, do whatever you like.” This tradition supports our assertion that pulaaku, in decrying the ignoble, is a universal human attribute.   Having established that pulaaku, in many respects at least, is not is not restricted to the Fulani, I am now comfortable to hold that the Fula differ from others because he has taken pulaaku a degree, or degrees as someone would claim, higher than how others did. It is the medium of his conduct, and the substratum on which it is anchored. To the Fula, absence of pulaaku defiles the noble of his dignity and its presence could earn a slave the respect of his master.   Examples   Pulaaku, in its simple form, expects a woman not to mention the name of her husband or that of her first child. In case of the first son, both parents, but especially the mother, are expected to ignore him throughout his life. In extreme cases mothers shy from saving their children from risks, including fire or drowning! (I won’t go that far). Parents with sufficient pulaaku will find it difficult to side with their children or relations in case of misunderstanding with others. Pulaaku demands utmost privacy in habits of eating, drinking, sleeping and intercourse. A friend from Dukku once told me how his grandfather used to eat in hiding, so secretly that none of his wives ever saw him eating throughout his life. A Gobir trader (bagobiri) once rebuked me for refusing to be served with Coke outside his shop, along Waff Road, Kaduna. He said: “Ku filani kun ramma mutane”, meaning, “you Fulani have an inferior impression about others.” I explained to him how I have always obeyed this form of pulaaku, until when I decided to break it one day in Abuja, thinking that I was away enough from home. It was not long after I started taking a snack outside a restaurant that I heard an approaching voice saluting me. I raised my head and found, to my utmost shame, that it was a brother to my father in-law. The bagobiri laughed, saying, “And so what if your in-law saw you eating?” He just could not understand why.   The Fula will abhor whatever is discerned as shameful in the society. Lack of remorse is considered as antithesis of pulaaku. In times of deprivation, it is shameful to ask anyone, including his relations. Begging is taboo. As one of his proverbs signifies: there is enough shame when a request is granted; where it is not, the shame cannot be described. If you would ask him, as a guest in your house: “Do you mind some food?”, no matter his condition, he will certainly reply with a smile, saying, “mi haari.” (I am okay).   If he will receive a gift (he does reluctantly and sometimes only to avoid embarrassing the donor), he will add, “hai! torra non?” (What! Why suffer so much?). Thereafter, even if he is a child, he will hurriedly disappear, because he feels ashamed to receive something from someone. He must be seen to be self-sufficient. That is why, a child is stopped from visiting a house where he will be given gifts. He must also not eat from another house. The adult would usually boycott, wherever possible, people who offer him gifts. He concurs with al Motanabbi who held that generosity buys the noble but encourages the poor-minded to rebel.   Pulaaku demands resilience. Enough of it is expressed in the annual festival that is called sharo in Hausaland. There, the Fula will bare his chest to be beaten by any challenger in the crowd. As the fresh stick of the attacker awfully tears his skin apart to expose his flesh before the viewing public, he neutralises the sympathy of his spectators with beautiful smiles and cheerful jubilation. Many times, hit on one side of the chest, he will challenge his opponent further by turning the other side. He will retire from the occasion to prepare for a hurtful revenge the following week.   While some cultures celebrate the proof of their daughter’s virginity the morning following her first intercourse as a bride, Pulaaku demands that the Fula to conceal even her pregnancy, especially the first one, until it is impossible to do so any longer. And when she comes to deliver a child, she must do so quietly. Even a sick child should not complain of pain by crying. This is where an Arab will shout, wa musibataaaa, or wailiiii, or yaa naass, yaa khooooy… and the Hausa will cry, “wayyoooo Allah…” There are no such words in fulfulde, at all.   The dying should also bid farewell to the world quietly. The loss of anything, a son or a property, should not warrant the slightest discomfiture. A mother is denied the tears that would sooth her eyes from the pain caused by the death of her child or husband, no matter the attachment she had for him. On such occasion, the Persian will be piercing his head with a knife; and the Arab will throw dust over his head and cry, “ya khasrataaaa...”   I think the point has sufficiently been made, given these illustrations, that few cultures, if any, as we said before, will be ready to take their pulaaku to this extent.   Origin   We may be tempted to ascribe pulaaku to religion, since all religions preach endurance, self-denial and so on. What a convenience! If it were so, we will expect to find a strong correlation between pulaaku and the religiosity of the individual Fula. On the contrary, pulaaku is also practiced impressively by those naturalis who care very little about religion. It is therefore safer to see it as a purely cultural trait among the Fula, which Islam has in some instances condemned or tolerated, and encouraged in most others. It is like the tradition of generosity among pre-Islamic Arabs, which I remember the author of Meccan Crucible was able to trace back to their Jahiliyya customs.   I will argue that pulaaku, to the extent that the Fula practises it, is a habit that was cultivated or rather derived from his nomadic life. The features of pulaaku are the most deficient properties in modern technological societies. Thus the more traditional a society is, at least in the Powelian paradigm of social science, the more will its culture be characterised by generosity, hospitality, selflessness, and so on. Conversely, the more advanced a society is technologically, the lesser will it be characterised by such traditional values.   This argument is more plausible in capitalist societies due to the enormous social pressures that their exploitative mode of production provokes. In traditional societies however, the means of production and distribution are simple: resources are readily supplied by nature and require little processing or marketing before they are consumed.   The nomadic state of the Fula, in other words, is what generally granted him the liberty of selflessness. Their farming system permits self-sufficiency, extensively using shifting cultivation and mixed farming. Their close marital practice produce unified communities whose members are closely related. Under such circumstance, sacrifice becomes easier, if not natural.   It is now easy to understand why the Fula, over a long period, is stripped of his pulaaku anytime he settles to face the harsh realities of urban life. If his abundance remains, like where he maintains a large herd of cattle, the likelihood of his pulaaku remaining is higher. But if he has to capture his livelihood from amidst the thick air of competition, like through contracts and marketing, then he will soon realize that pulaaku will be a detriment to his survival above the margin of poverty. He would also learn to save his small hard-earned resources for himself because there is none who will come to his aid, as any other person is trying to work out his own survival arithmetic. In the absence of his cattle, farm, fruits, rivers and space, over generations, preference to self becomes irresistible, if not inevitable.   The courage component of the Fula’s pulaaku can easily be traced to the necessity of self-defence in his nomadic state. This is a habit he shares with other cultures that grew under conditions of seclusion. The Arabs were equally courageous, until when they learnt how to enjoy the sanctuary of sedentary life and to indulge in the luxuries of the nations they conquered. Today, they cannot raise even a finger against Israel, in protest to the atrocities it is committing against their Palestinian brothers.   Benefits   From a utilitarian perspective, what benefit has the Fula derived from his Pulaaku? The benefits, I believe, are many but we will restrict ourselves here to three. One, internally, it ensures peaceful coexistence among members of the genus. With pulaaku, there is a good understanding among the members of the genus as to the standard pattern of their behaviour. It is the normative law. Also, by restraining the self from eyeing the property of others, pulaaku has helped to demobilize the greatest precursor to quarrels – the struggle to acquire what belongs to others.   Two, externally, pulaaku has made it easier for the Fula to be accepted by other people. Without it, his nomadic life would have been difficult. Here he differs from other nomads. The Jew, for example, is mainly preoccupied with how to acquire what belongs to others. If he has ninety-nine sheep, he will plan to snatch the only sheep belonging to his brother. Greed is the hallmark of Jewish trade and a fundamental article of his association with others. On the contrary, pulaaku asserts self-sufficiency that is achieved and maintained through honourable means. Where deprivation visits the Fula, he is expected to overcome it without revealing his secrets to others. He would rather die than beg. With this self-pride, others found him a guest enough light to accommodate easily, and who does not pose much threat to their possessions. Men will remain amiable, according to Machiavelli, so long as they do not show interest in the wealth and women of others.   Thirdly, the Fula demesticus has found pulaaku important in his leadership role. In the various parts he settled in West Africa, apart from farming, he has also engaged in scholarship and administration. Pulaaku is necessary to both professions. To become a good leader, self-sacrifice and trust are indispensable qualities. To be a formidable scholar, self-denial is necessary. And pulaaku supplies the Fula with both habits in abundance. He thus finds the commandments of Islam regarding these matters easy to follow. This might have contributed to the acceptance of Shehu Danfodio in Hausaland. The caliphate that he established enjoyed the respect of the people as long as the leadership was ready to live by those qualities. How long they did so is a question that only historians can best answer.   Erosion   Unfortunately, this fundamental identity of the Fula, much of which is praiseworthy, is fast becoming eroded in the genus. Among the Fula domesticus, very little of it is left; and even among the naturalis, it is increasingly becoming difficult to sustain. The selflessness of Fula leaders is falling far short of the measure of pulaaku. They have put their interest and that of their children first, and failed to attend to the problems of their subjects. They loot the treasury as much as others do; the difference between them, except in few cases, is marginal. The misconduct of some of their daughters, especially some of those brought up in the GRAs and who have become bereft of shame and shyness, is enough to make their grandparents in the villages faint or go berserk.   The present habits of many naturalis is not better than that of his doemesticus brother. They are also finding it difficult to keep trust. Some of them run away with cattle that others kept in their custody. Some are involved in petty habits like theft. Worst is what we have been learning for the past five years about their participation in armed robbery and banditry. Do not mention alcohol and other vices. I remember a goge artiste who used to perform in our village on market days. One of his songs was: “Karyar wade-wade ta kare ga dan Fulani na sai da giya”, meaning, “pulaaku is finished since we have a Fulani selling alcohol.” I wonder what he would say today, were he alive.   These are the reasons why I strongly hold the view that pulaaku is endangered. Its decline among the Fula when the country needs it most to overcome predicaments triggered by avarice is deeply lamentable.   Solution   It is difficult to practice all the ramifications of pulaaku in the present world of political boundaries – local and international – that exacerbate poverty by limiting movement and restricting the economic choices of the individual; of growing predominance of capitalism and its values; and finally, of acculturation through western education. Fighting against these factors is like standing in the way of a flood.   Nevertheless, we must know that facing the flood is better and more honourable than drowning in it. It will take the capitalist societies to nowhere. Such societies will sooner or later revert or their civilization will perish, for no civilization lasts by living on bizarre exploitation and unguarded avarice like theirs.   My prescription is a simple pill. In a struggle between civilizations, like in fighting against a flood, it is wiser to hold on to a firm support. I am referring to systems that are more enduring, that are held at higher esteem and that possess higher values than those of traditions inherited from ancestors.   Here, Islam comes handy, to the Fula and the non-Fula alike. Fortunately, the Fula have accepted it very long ago. Therefore, it is unnecessary for them to return to the old pulaaku that was passed through ancestry. When they practice it under Islam, in obedience to God, they will be executing His commandments for which they will be rewarded in this world and in the Hereafter. It will delight many readers to note that Islam has made sufficient provisions for all the praiseworthy properties of pulaaku, and much more. A devout Muslim will flout pulaaku only in few respects, all of which are unnecessary. If he follows the traditions of the prophet, he will be able to drop the terrible and the tedious in his old definition to adopt simpler versions that will endure the aggression of external values. By this, we are most assured that the values we cherish in pulaaku will live to be inherited by our distant progenies. God said: “Lo! this Quran guideth unto that which is straightest..” (17:9) Regarding the traditions of the Prophet, they have emanated from someone described by God in the best of testimonies: “And Lo. You are of great conduct.” (68:4).   Readers, that was pulaaku. Those were the threats to its survival. And this is Islam; its best saviour against the formidable flood of urbanization and capitalism. No other system will offer the Fula a better alternative. With it, wherever we go, we do not believe that we have missed anything that is praiseworthy in our heritage. Neither will we lose touch with nature for Islam is built on nature. We feel at home.   Source : Dr Aliyu tilde http://www.gamji.com/tilde/NEWS1112.htm
    309 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
  • 08 Aug 2016
    "It was reported that once a Pullo came across a group of people surrounding a dead body near a river. By way of commiserating with the people, he asked what the cause of the death was. He was drowned in the river because he did not know how to swim. That was the reply. Why didn’the go round the river? So asked the Pullo. How long do you think that would take? replied the people. How long will it take him to lie here? Said the Pullo.This short anecdote testifies not only to the Pullo’s witticism but also to his tremendous capacity for perseverance."   From THE CONCEPT OF PULAAKU MIRRORED IN FULFULDE PROVERBS OF THE GOMBE DIALECTRudolf Leger and Abubakar B. Mohammad http://publikationen.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/frontdoor/index/index/docId/1820    
    192 Posted by Mahammad A. Tafida
Society 1,273 views Aug 27, 2016
How to write Fulfulde in Ajami ('Baleri e masle)

 

I found this document online about fulfulde ajami  i had to share it this is topic i enjoy reading about.

Alphabet and Orthography Statement
For Fulfulde [FUB] Ajamiya
(Found in Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad and Central African Republic)
By Scott Clark, MA
SIL
B.P. 1299
Yaoundé, Cameroon
2007

 

Alphabet and Orthography Statement For Fulfulde [FUB] Ajamiya
By Scott Clark, M.A.
Language: Fulfulde [Ethnologue code: FUB]
(Spoken in Nigeria, Cameroon, Chad and Central African Republic)
Introduction:
The alphabet described in this document is the result of many years of research, which began in the early 1960’s by Dr. Kristian Skulberg of Norway (in Ngaoundéré, Cameroon). Ron Nelson and the Sawtu Linjiila staff (a Fulfulde media and radio organization) continued his work in the 1980’s. By 1990, the orthography was well established. The orthography in the present statement has not significantly changed since that time. In 1998, at the JCMWA/MICCAO conference in Ngaoundéré, Cameroon; over 100 representatives from 14 West African countries agreed that this orthography would be a good standard for writing the Fulfulde language with Arabic script (called Ajamiya).
One of the first Roman script orthographies for Fulfulde was developed by F.W. Taylor in the 1930’s (see his dictionary, 1932). In 1966, a unified Roman script orthography was recommended by UNESCO at the ‘Meeting of Experts for the Unification of Alphabets of the National Languages’ held at
Bamako, Mali. The orthography proposed in this paper is based on the phonology statement for
Adamawa Fulfulde [FUB] found in Stennis, 1967.
In 2002 a computer program was developed by Mark Rogalski and myself to “transliterate” the Roman script Fulfulde into Ajamiya script Fulfulde. It is still not 100% accurate and needs to be proofread for mistakes. The following Alphabet and Orthography Statement is presented in order to make the most accurate transliteration possible while maintaining as much as possible indigenous  Ajamiya conventions of the [FUB] Fulfulde dialect (abbreviations are on page 18).
The Consonants:(The vowels will be introduced on page 14)
Arabic alphabetical order (Abjadi) is adopted here showing the Ajamiya grapheme, Fulfulde name andphoneme1: -aliifi [a:] ب,bee [a], -tee [tث, camamlu [],  ج ,jiimi [dzح  -haa baaluul [h], خ
ha to'b'bungol -deeli [c], - ذ zaali []
ر ,arre [], ز -zayra [y], س -siini [s],

ش -ciini [s]or[]or[ts],  ص- saadi [s],ض baadi [d],  ظ zaadi [], ayni kebuwal [],غ
angani kebuwal , ف fee [fe],  ق -gaafu [],  ك -keefu [k], ل- laamu [l],  م-miimi [m],  ن-nuunu][n],
- ھhakabeere [h],  و-waawu [w],  ي-yah [j],  ء-hamaza [] -- ِIn addition, five Non-Arabic phonemes are found in Fulfulde; the symbols chosen to represent these sounds are: بء bee mod'u,يء
yah mod'u.pee,نغ nunu e anganiThese  five characters are still under discussion. However, they have been used with good understanding for the lasttwenty years in Cameroon, with the exception of the p. The p has been recently adopted after a thoroughsearch of the contemporary use of Ajamiya in Northern Cameroon (see Orthography Report of SpecialLetters, March 2006 by myself). Several Arabic sounds and their corresponding consonants are NOT used in
1See Appendix 1 for the chart of these letters in Abajada order (Warsh Qur’anic tradition). See Appendix 2 for the SummaryChart that is in Arabic Alphabetic order (Abjadi order).

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